Suchergebnisse

Using two quantitative methods, this study sought to understand whether user-generated posts would vary in frequency of incivility, impoliteness, and deliberative attributes on Twitter versus Facebook. A quantitative content analysis ( N = 1458) revealed that posts responding to the White House's tweets were significantly more uncivil and impolite and less deliberative than responses to White House Facebook posts. Also, comments on posts that concerned sensitive topics (such as same-sex marriage) were more uncivil, impolite, and deliberative than comments regarding less sensitive topics (such as technology). An experiment ( N = 198) showed that people were more deliberative when responding to White House Facebook posts, compared with White House tweets, but no differences were found for incivility and impoliteness. Results suggest that both the varying affordances of the two platforms and the fact that the two sites may attract different types of people might explain these results.

Media event theory examines how viewers take part in live televised events despite lack of physical presence. The media event scholarship has rarely considered how technologies like the Internet reconfigure the dynamics of such events. Drawing on Chinese language users' Twitter discussion about Under the Dome, a high‐profile 2015 documentary about air pollution in China, this article uses social network and content analyses to examine the mechanisms of media events in the networked digital space. Diverse actors engaged in the distribution and interpretation of this media event, most of whom were individual actors. Two subnetworks are revealed on Twitter: the disengaged one mainly distributed links to the documentary, and the engaged one actively discussed the documentary. While Twitter discussion of Under the Dome lacked broad and sophisticated discourse, we still find promising signs of public discussion on the smog issue and public policy in the long run. Theoretically, this study underscores the potential of integrating media event and framing theories to tackle the refashioned nature of media events. Empirically, the findings allow us to better understand how a wide range of individual and institutional actors co‐stage and co‐interpret media events by leveraging the technological and communicative affordances of Twitter.

This study assesses the scope and applicability of the "protest paradigm" in non-Western contexts by examining the news coverage of Brazilian, Chinese, and Indian protests in their domestic media. Two publications from each nation, one conservative and one progressive, are content analyzed for adherence to a series of marginalization devices that have often been used by the U.S. media to ridicule protest movements and portray them as violent. The Indian media emerge as the least likely to follow the protest paradigm, while Brazilian and Chinese media conform to it in moderate levels. Comparative analysis suggests the historical legitimacy of informal power negotiations in a political culture makes news media more willing to take protesters seriously and limits adherence to the protest paradigm. In contrast, a news organization's ideological affiliation with the government of the day, rather than any ideology per se, makes it relatively more likely to conform to the protest paradigm. Marginalization devices such as circus, appearance, and eyewitness accounts are rarely used in any of these nations. But disparity of sources, (non)reference to protesters' causes and violence, and violence blame appear to be abiding features of news coverage of protests everywhere.

Abstract
Background
Lake is a critical part of Tibet's hydrological cycle, the lake–terrestrial ecotone is the most sensitive area in the water and terrestrial ecosystem. For the ecological protection and maintenance of the lakeside zone, defining the upper boundary of the lake–terrestrial ecotone is a key issue that needs to be solved urgently. However, the ecological characteristics of lake–terrestrial ecotone made it difficult to delimit. Wetland herbs are characteristic plants of the lake–terrestrial ecotone, and their distribution width can be used to reflect the upper boundary of the lake–terrestrial ecotone. We took Baksum Lake, Yamdroktso, Namtso, Siling Co as examples, based on the spatial structure of the lake–terrestrial ecotone, used the moving split-window technology (MSWT) delimited the width of wetland herbs.

Results
The results of the MSWT showed the distribution width of wetland herbs in each lake–terrestrial ecotone with the natural-wetland type sampling line of Baksum Lake, Yamdroktso, Namtso, Siling Co was 51 m, 56 m, 33 ~ 53 m, 19 ~ 31 m. The detrended correspondence analysis (DCA) showed quantity of wetland herbs species, BK1 > YT1 = NT1 > NT2 > SC1 = SC2. The principal component analysis (PCA) and the (redundancy analysis) RDA showed soil moisture content (SMO), pH, soil moisture content (SSC), and soil nutrient content had obvious correlation with distribution width.

Conclusion
The MSWT was a feasible method to determine the width of lake–terrestrial ecotone. SMO, pH, SSC, and soil nutrient content were all important environmental factors affecting the wetland herbs distribution width of the four lakes; and the SMO was the most important factor. Besides, compared with the lakes in the Middle-Lower Yangtze Plain, the high-density population distribution, high-intensive human activity invaded the plants' growth area, resulting in a smaller distribution width. The distribution edge of wetland herbs is equivalent to the upper boundary of lake–terrestrial ecotone. It determines the management boundary of the lake–terrestrial ecotone, provides a theoretical basis for the construction of environmental protection projects, and is of great significance to the lake ecological restoration and management in watershed control planning.