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This paper argues that despite the considerable resilience demonstrated by the Chinese authoritarian regime, its power experiences continuous atrophy. With the weakening of the totalitarian control imposed on Chinese society, the current stability maintenance system has been decreasing in its effectiveness. Meanwhile, contentious activities within the civil society gain momentum, and grow in both frequency and complexity. Movements such as human rights advocacy and political pluralism are traversing down a path towards a multilaterally coalesced resistance of authoritarian authority. The final part of this paper proposes and analyzes three possible trends of the development of social contentions in Chinese civil society. Adapted from the source document.

This paper proposes a new framework to analyze social contentions in China from the perspectives of contention motives and mobilization channels, explains why traditional forms of contention do not undermine the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) rule, and identifies anti-system contention as a distinctive form of contention that poses the greatest challenge to the CCP's rule. Through analysis of political opportunity structures and mobilization mechanisms that allowed anti-system contentions to rise, this paper argues that since such contentions mainly consist of value-oriented social actors mobilized via informal channels, it would require the Chinese regime to adapt to a more targeted and coordinated model of repression to address the new challenges. The paper further provides empirical case studies to show the effectiveness of the regime's adaptive repression and shows that anti-system contentions in China face their own hurdle to develop into more prominent contentions.

Abstract:
This paper argues that despite the considerable resilience demonstrated by the Chinese authoritarian regime, its power experiences continuous atrophy. With the weakening of the totalitarian control imposed on Chinese society, the current stability maintenance system has been decreasing in its effectiveness. Meanwhile, contentious activities within the civil society gain momentum, and grow in both frequency and complexity. Movements such as human rights advocacy and political pluralism are traversing down a path towards a multilaterally coalesced resistance of authoritarian authority. The final part of this paper proposes and analyzes three possible trends of the development of social contentions in Chinese civil society.

A prevailing view in China is that the country cannot democratize because of the poor quality of the populace with respect to "citizen quality," or civic awareness. This viewpoint lacks empirical support in relevant case studies and databases. This article focuses on a case study conducted using the deliberative polling process in Zeguo Township, Zhejiang Province, to determine whether citizen quality influences the effectiveness of local democratic action. We find that during the group democratic deliberation, factors such as participants' education, age, and career do not bear significantly on the success of democratic deliberation. Democratic deliberation can improve the civic knowledge of the public, public spiritedness, and civic participation, all of which facilitate the effectiveness of deliberation and the development of trust in the government. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

BACKGROUND: After the lockdown of Wuhan on January 23, 2020, the government used community-based pandemic prevention and control as the core strategy to fight the pandemic, and explored a set of standardized community pandemic prevention measures that were uniformly implemented throughout the city. One month later, the city announced its first lists of "high-risk" communities and COVID-19-free communities. Under the standardized measures of pandemic prevention and mitigation, why some communities showed a high degree of resilience and effectively avoided escalation, while the situation spun out of control in other communities? This study investigated: 1) key factors that affect the effective response of urban communities to the pandemic, and 2) types of COVID-19 susceptible communities. METHODS: This study employs the crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis method to explore the influencing variables and possible causal condition combination paths that affect community resilience during the pandemic outbreak. Relying on extreme-case approach, 26 high-risk communities and 14 COVID-19 free communities were selected as empirical research subjects from the lists announced by Wuhan government. The community resilience assessment framework that evaluates the communities' capacity on pandemic prevention and mitigation covers four dimensions, namely spatial resilience, capital resilience, social resilience, and governance resilience, each dimension is measured by one to three variables. RESULTS: The results of measuring the necessity of 7 single-condition variables found that the consistency index of "whether the physical structure of the community is favorable to virus transmission" reached 0.9, which constitutes a necessary condition for COVID-19 susceptible communities. By analyzing the seven condition configurations with high row coverage and unique coverage in the obtained complex solutions and intermediate solutions, we found that outbreaks are most likely to occur in communities populated by disadvantaged ...

AbstractObjectiveThe attributes affecting happiness include endogenous material factors such as income and social comparison, and exogenous cultural factors like individual values and national ideology. And the latter is greatly affected by media in China. This study seeks to explore the influence path of media construction on happiness under cultural perspective in China.MethodsUsing Chinese General Social Survey 2015 data, we apply the ordered logit model to calculate the influence of the usage of television and Internet on happiness conspicuously.ResultsThe use of television and Internet both have positive influence on happiness, and the influence path is that state media shapes collectivism and Internet shapes individualism. As the state‐controlled media in China, television continuously promotes nationalism and patriotism, thus strengthens audience's collectivistic value. Meanwhile, Internet which enjoys certain speech freedom in China boosts the user's individualistic value which makes a difference in promoting happiness.ConclusionThe U‐shaped effect of "collectivism‐individualism" on happiness found in this paper empirically illustrates that collectivistic and individualistic values can both facilitate happiness, and also further shows that television and Internet can enhance happiness by influencing cultural values.

The Chinese government has long enjoyed a higher level of popular trust in its central authority than in its local governments, which means that the Chinese public's trust in government is hierarchical. While existing research has highlighted hierarchical trust's role in bolstering the Chinese regime's rule, the formation mechanism for such trust has not been adequately explored empirically. In this paper, we use data from the China General Social Survey (2010) to explore the formation mechanism of hierarchical government trust and find that economic development, adherence to traditional values, and high frequency of Internet usage all contribute to the decrease of hierarchical government trust. These findings challenge conventional views that cultural traditions and Internet use help sustain hierarchical government trust and show that propaganda is the only variable that sustains the pattern of hierarchical government trust. We further challenge existing literature that views hierarchical government trust as a natural outcome of China's hierarchical administrative structure and empirically prove that such trust is in fact intentionally constructed by the central government through propaganda campaigns and an institutional design aimed at strengthening the central government's authority and at guiding people to divert dissent to local governments. Our findings make an important contribution to the dialogue and highlight a new area of authoritarian durability. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

Existing studies have traced China's high political trust to three sources: traditional culture, the state's success in fostering economic growth, and ideological propaganda. We identify a fourth source: perceived social mobility. We argue that when people perceive a reasonable chance for upward mobility based on personal initiatives and efforts, the status quo becomes more justifiable because individuals are responsible for their own successes and failures. Perceived social mobility thus instills a sense of optimism and fairness and exonerates the regime from many blames, thereby enhancing political trust. Regression analysis of the China portion of the 2007 World Values Survey data shows that respondents who saw themselves as having choices and control in life were indeed more likely to trust the ruling communist party. The respondents' overall level of perceived social mobility is also high, which is consistent with the massive shake-up of the preexisting social order in China's reform era.