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Employing national identity theories and survey data in Taiwan, this article explains national identity shift in Taiwan. Descriptively we find that most Taiwanese people reject being called 'Chinese' (zhongguoren) when asked about their national identity. However, they do not deny their ethnic and cultural Chinese identity. What they object to is being called Chinese nationals, especially this China which is internationally recognized as the People's Republic of China. In other words, most Taiwanese people do not identify themselves with the mainland Chinese state even though they still associate themselves with the Chinese nation. It is also noted that there is no consensus with regard to national identity in Taiwan, since close to one third of the population still do not object to be called zhongguoren. The author's analytical findings further confirm that external sovereignty-related factors are related to the Taiwanese national identity shift. Specifically, a changed state boundary, separation desire from mainland China, and recognition of Taiwan as a sovereign state, not the distinctive cultural reconstruction inside Taiwan, contribute to the national identity shift in Taiwan. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

This paper attempts to assess Chinese peasants' democratic culture by drawing on findings from a survey conducted in southern Jiangsu Province, one of the most developed rural areas in China. Support for key democratic values in this area is fairly strong and does not lag far behind that in the cities. Even though the findings from this survey cannot be said to represent those in all rural areas, they do demonstrate that the Chinese countryside is more stratified than many people think. As more rural areas become economically developed, they will acquire the democratic values already held by Jiangsu peasants. (CIJ/DÜI)

Vorgelegt wird eine vergleichende Untersuchung der Zusammenhänge zwischen dem politischen Wandel in den Nachfolgestaaten der ehemaligen Sowjetunion und der Außenpolitik dieser Staaten gegenüber der Volksrepublik China zu Beginn der neunziger Jahre. Die Datenbasis der Untersuchung bilden Veröffentlichungen des Foreign Broadcasting Information Service aus den USA. Analysiert werden Beziehungen auf wirtschaftlicher, politisch-diplomatischer sowie sicherheitspolitischer und militärischer Ebene. Die Untersuchung macht deutlich, daß der ideologische Wandel in den Nachfolgestaaten keine Verschlechterung der Beziehungen zur VR China bewirkt hat. Offenbar wiegen wirtschaftliche und geopolitische Interessen den ideologischen Faktor in internationalen Beziehungen auf. (BIOst-Wpt)

Anhand einer Inhaltsanalyse der in den Daily Reports des U.S. Foreign Broadcasting Information Service enthaltenen Berichte über Aktivitäten des sowjetischen und chinesischen Militärs untersucht die ländervergleichende Studie, die der Verfasser als Beitrag zur Theoriebildung auf dem Gebiet der zivil-militärischen Beziehungen in kommunistischen Staaten verstanden wissen will, Muster und Häufigkeit der militärisch-ökonomischen, militärisch-politischen und militärisch sozialen Interaktionen in der UdSSR und der VR China. Das besondere Interesse des Autors gilt der Frage nach den Auswirkungen der unterschiedlichen Reformsätze auf das Verhältnis zwischen Militär und zivilen Institutionen. (BIOst-Hml)

Street protests have become commonplace in China. Utilizing extensive survey data, this study attempts to shed light on the nature of environmental street protests in China. The key question to be answered in the article is: why, facing the same issue, do some people choose the option of participating in street protests while others do not? Multivariate analytical findings indicate that Chinese urban residents' willingness to participate in street protests over a hypothetical pollution issue in China is significantly related to their attitudes toward institutions in China. What motivates people to participate in street protests has a lot to do with their trust and support of the political system in China and their perceived government transparency. In other words, these protests are not just what Lewis Coser calls 'realistic conflicts' which primarily involve specific issues and solutions. One implication from this study is that street protests in China may not be as benign and non-regime threatening as some scholars might think. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

In an increasingly materialistic society, are Chinese people still interested in politics and state affairs? More importantly, which type of people tend to be more interested in politics in China? This paper answers these two central questions. A study of these two questions carries both theoretical and practical implications. Based on a cross-regional survey of Chinese urban residents in ten Chinese cities, it was found that Chinese urban respondents are still interested or very interested in politics and state affairs. It was also found that people who show more interest in politics tend to be people who are dissatisfied with government policy performance and favour a multiparty political system and further political reform in China. The implication is that, if given the opportunity, the anti-regime people are more likely to participate in conventional and unconventional political activities. (China/GIGA)