Suchergebnisse

A partir do desastre da Samarco no Rio Doce, em curso desde 2015, o texto reflete sobre formas de produção da violência em torno de práticas institucionais e políticas que fazem o neoextrativismo possível no Brasil. Desta forma, aponta para processos como: revisão das leis e desmanche das instituições de proteção ambiental e cuidado com os direitos indígenas, quilombolas e povos tradicionais; deslocamento da política para a polícia, sinalizando as estratégias de criminalização de movimentos sociais, lideranças, mediadores e pesquisadores por parte de grupos transnacionais extrativos e do Estado. Por fm, apresenta novas gramáticas da resistência que, no caso específco, ao atualizarem elementos da tradicionalidade, como as celebrações próprias do catolicismo popular, colocam-se de orma autônoma em relação aos modelos convencionais e burocratizados de atuação política sob disciplinamento do Estado e do mercado. Para fazer esta análise, o texto aciona o princípio heurístico da variação de escalas que entrelaça processos globais, nacionais e locais na reprodução de violências históricas que, por outro lado, fazem emergir novos esforços de subjetivação nos territórios.Palavras-chave: Desastre. Mineração. Violência. Resistência. Rio Doce.VIOLENCE, MEMORY AND NEW FORMS OF RESISTANCE: THE SAMARCO DISASTER IN THE RIO DOCEAbstractBased on the Samarco disaster, ongoing in the Rio Doce since 2015, the article reflects about forms of violence production around institutional and political practices that make neo-extractivism possible in Brazil.Thus, it points to processes such as the revision of laws and the dismantling of environmental protection institutions and agencies responsible for policies related to indigenous, quilombolas and traditional peoples rights; the displacement of politics to the police, signaling the strategies of criminalization of social movements, mediators and researchers by transnational extractive groups and the State. Finally, it presents new modalities of resistance that, in this ethnographic case, by updating elements of traditionality, such as the celebrations proper to popular Catholicism, stand for autonomy in face of the conventional models of political action under both market and State discipline. To make this analysis, the text triggers the heuristic principle of scale variation that intertwines global, national and local processes in the reproduction of historical patterns of violence that, on the other hand, give rise to new efforts of subjectivation in the territories.Keywords: Disaster. Mining. Violence. Resistance. Rio Doce.

The paper discusses the process of mapping environmental conflicts in the Brazilian State of Minas Gerais, highlighting the epistemological differences between the concepts of conflicts and impacts. By focusing on the case of mining registered in the map, it analyzes the effects of abstract global ideas upon politically-grounded processes in Brazil. It reveals how global environmental policies and strategies related to consensus building are presented as solutions to environmental conflicts and interrogates how such strategies, driven by transnational financial institutions, have been adopted by Brazilian agencies in turn producing depoliticizing effects (i.e. shifting the focus from rights to interests). If participation has been a key concept within a global sustainability paradigm, and one that seemingly responds well to calls for democracy in countries like Brazil, negotiation is the medium through which participation (therefore democracy/the political) must occur. Yet in a process typical of coloniality of knowledge and power, dissent and alterity are sidelined, perpetuating processes of environmental inequalities.

Since the 1970s, the ghost of an "international conspiracy" to occupy the Brazilian Amazon has emerged against the backdrop of shifting social and political realities. This article looks at how Brazilian political elites and military forces have influenced national interpretations of environmentalism and indigenous peoples' rights. It considers the formation of long-standing images and ideas perpetuated through economic plans like Avança Brasil , Growth Accelerated Program (PAC), and the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA) as well as international environmental initiatives such as on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries (REDD). Environmentalists and indigenous peoples have been viewed as opponents to economic growth and barriers to development. These images reflect entrenched political positions within Brazilian society, largely unrecognized on the international stage but critical to understanding Brazil's ambiguous positions in international negotiations.

The campaign against the illegal mahogany trade from the Amazon has increased the need for special working links between NGOs based in Brazil and those located in the Northern hemisphere, particularly Britain, since the UK is regarded as one of the major importers of that particular timber. The article discusses the origins, development and different strategies of the mahogany campaign -the major transnational campaign for the Amazon rainforest in the 1990s- as well as the reactions from the timber trade and the Brazilian government. Considering the interface of social justice and forest issues, the analysis presents the ways in which the Amazon is understood and projected into the global sphere, and how such a global perspective -currently dominated by efforts towards timber certification through the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC)- may render a more complex local reality invisible.

In the last three decades, since the democratization of the country and the rise of environmental concerns, Brazil has created a regulatory framework capable of dealing with the environmental impact of its core developmental policies. An environmental governance package has been constructed, with the environmental licensing process as its major instrument. However, this process is based on an urban planning perspective with little assessment of specific local ecological conditions and social organizations. Indeed, the process of globalization has resulted in an intensive exploitation of natural resources, which increases the use of marginal economic areas and the expansion of the economic frontiers into territories occupied by family agriculture, traditional peoples and ethnic minorities. Hence, we see the creation of conflict zones involving locals, state sectors and entrepreneurial groups. Increasingly, within this context, anthropologists have been required to act as experts and mediators by different groups, including state institutions, private companies, and social movements. Based on ethnographic research about the environmental licensing processes of hydroelectric dams in Brazil, this paper focuses on the limits of anthropological knowledge, the contexts of its production and the role of anthropologists in political processes involving unequal networks of power.

A mundialização do capital resulta não só na re-localização dos investimentos, mas na transferência do ônus das degradações para os países e classes sociais mais vulneráveis. No Brasil, este processo tem resultado na viabilização de projetos hidrelétricos e, com efeito, na multiplicação das tensões e confrontações entre as populações locais e o Setor Elétrico. Este texto analisa tais experiências de conflito, por vezes violentas, dando ênfase aos significados articulados pelas duas racionalidades em disputa.

O texto reflete sobre as falácias contidas nos argumentos que defendem as PCHs (Pequenas Centrais Hidrelétricas) e as CGHs (Centrais de Geração Hidrelétrica) como fonte alternativa de energia e parâmetro para o desenvolvimento sustentável. Embora o critério tamanho possa induzir à crença na produção de impactos menores, a realidade empírica demonstra o contrário. A maior parte da energia produzida por essas estruturas é destinada aos consumidores comerciais e industriais. Projetos incidem em geral sobre biomas ameaçados, como a Mata Atlântica, e afetam áreas tradicionalmente ocupadas no sul, centro-oeste e sudeste brasileiro. Ênfase na geração de energia em detrimento da eficácia na gestão e ausência de uma perspectiva centrada na equidade socioambiental são problemas de fundo.

Em dezembro de 2019 foi aberta a chamada para o dossiê "Estado, desregulação ambiental e luta por direitos no Brasil", com o objetivo de reunir artigos que pudessem colaborar com o debate sobre os processos de construção da democracia no Brasil diante da emergência de novas fragilidades no campo do direito e da justiça socioambiental. Jamais poderíamos imaginar o que viria tão logo à frente, a pandemia de Covid-19, muito menos que, diante de um contexto tão dramático, envolvendo a morte e o adoecimento de milhares de brasileiros, se agravaria o desmonte das políticas de Estado voltadas à proteção ambiental e aos direitos socioambientais de povos e comunidades tradicionais.

No Médio Jequitinhonha, as chamadas terras de herança se constituíram expostas a experiências de expropriação e às dificuldades colocadas pela exiguidade de seu território. Tais condições conformaram historicamente um quadro de intenso agenciamento sobre a disposição e a transmissão da terra, compondo uma gramática local de costumes sucessórios orientados para a garantia da reprodução social das famílias. Estas localidades compreendem, hoje, domínios espaciais de pertencimento, trabalho e moradia designados localmente como terras no bolo. Estes territórios de parentesco se encontram atualmente ameaçados pela implantação de barragens hidrelétricas na região. Centrados numa perspectiva fundiária que tem como referência o proprietário individual e suas benfeitorias, os sistemas de avaliação e mitigação dos impactos mantém ignoradas as formas coletivas de gestão do patrimônio familiar. Esse quadro permite vislumbrar os danos irreparáveis a serem produzidos sobre os sistemas locais que se encontram assentados sobre a terra imbolada e os direitos traçados

Abstract This article analyses the policies of affectations in the context of the disaster which occurred in late 2015, when an iron ore tailings dam ruptured, affecting thousands of families in the Rio Doce River Valley, in the southeast of Brazil. The paper discusses the challenges faced by victims of the disaster, given that the 'affected person' as a social subject goes through a dramatic process of forced sociability, forged in political processes and bureaucratic demands which are alien to her/his world. As a consequence, the claims of victims are transmuted by the rationalities and techniques of corporate management, therefore disabled and re-codified by taxonomies which define forms of damage reparations, as well as modes of reconstruction of their way of life. From an anthropological perspective, we examine the struggle between the objectification imposed by the policy of affectation and the political subjectivation of actors compulsorily brought to contentious settings over the control of their own destiny.