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Rankings have become very popular in recent years – also in academia. On the other side, these rankings are normally very superficial and simplistic instruments. To understand their meaning requires at least specific explanations on the methodology and the potential shortcomings. To rank countries according to their performance with regard to the protection of certain minorities suffers from the same weaknesses. Nevertheless, one can say that the so-called Rainbow Index prepared by the International Lesbian and Gay Association's European Branch (ILGA-Europe) – an NGO active in the defense of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans and intersex (LGBTI) persons – is a powerful instrument that gives the public and legislators some hints on where a country stands and whether human rights of LGBTI persons are taken seriously. It can certainly constitute an interesting starting-point to inquire which should be the priorities for a society when it comes to improving the human rights situation of these minorities. A comparison – even if based on a simplified index and – from an international (European) perspective may help domestic writers to make their opinion heard. The ranking referred to as Rainbow Europe ranks the Member States of the Council of Europe based on laws and policies that have a direct impact on the LGBTI people's human rights. It uses six categories: 1. equality and non-discrimination; 2. family; 3. bias motivated speech/violence; 4. legal gender recognition; 5. freedom of assembly, association and expression; and 6. asylum. Under each category a number of indicators have been included, often separated for the different sub-groups (lesbian and gay persons, trans persons and intersex persons ), i.e. referring to the particular criterion for the definition of the respective groups (sexual orientation, gender identity, and intersex). For each criterion a State gets either a positive entry (and thus all the associated points) or nothing - a necessary simplification to make the index operational but obviously a ...

How has the teaching of public international law evolved in the regions that make up Switzerland as of today? Are there any peculiarities that have influenced this development, and who have been the proponents and teachers that have educated Swiss lawyers? To what extent has the development of a proper tradition in this area been influenced by the academic traditions outside the territory of Switzerland? This article tries to give a first overview of these questions in order to allow future research in this still understudied field of law. Most of Switzerland has been a latecomer regarding university education and in particular theoretical legal education. While the intensification of Switzerland's international relations in the 19th century leads to the (slow) introduction of courses in public international law, the special role in the aftermath of the two world wars has certainly led to a stronger tradition in this field than in many other States of similar size, initially with a strong interaction with neighbouring States, in particular Germany and France.

Im Rahmen der Aussenwirtschaftspolitik der Schweiz stellte der Handel mit Landwirtschaftsgü-tern und verarbeiteten Landwirtschaftsgütern spätestens seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg stets eine besondere Herausforderung dar. Dieses Problem stellte sich zwar historisch keineswegs nur für die Schweiz, aber aufgrund der historischen Entwicklung und der Wahrnehmung des landwirt-schaftlichen Sektors hierzulande sind in der Schweiz bis heute besonders weitgehende Schutzan-strengungen zur Erhaltung der bestehenden Struktur getroffen worden. Diese Haltung zeigt ent-sprechende Auswirkungen auf die Aussenwirtschaftspolitik, indem Zollmassnahmen für den Agrarschutz eingesetzt werden. 70 % der Zolleinnahmen des Bundes stammen aus der Einfuhr von Agrarprodukten.

Internationaler Gerichtshof (IGH), Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (Demokratische Republik Kongo gegen Belgien), Entscheid vom 14. Februar 2002, General List No. 121, noch nicht in amtlicher Sammlung, http: //www.icj-cij.org

Based on data from a large-scale computer-based survey among more than 3700 German citizens, this paper empirically examines the determinants of the general change of electricity tariffs and the specific change to green tariffs. Our econometric analysis with binary probit and multinomial logit models reveals a strong relevance of behavioral factors and individual values. For example, patience (which is measured by an incentivized experiment that was included in the survey) is significantly positively correlated with general changes to alternative electricity tariffs. Furthermore, social preferences (also measured by an incentivized experiment) and trust have an even stronger significantly positive effect on the specific change to green electricity tariffs. Our estimation results also imply an important role of political identification, i.e. citizens with a left-wing orientation significantly more often switch an electricity tariff and an ecological political orientation has a strong significantly positive effect on the change to a green electricity tariff. Furthermore, several socio-demographic and socio-economic variables like age, gender, or household income are also relevant. The empirical analysis thus provides new explanation patterns for the phenome-non that only a small number of households regularly change their electricity tariff and specifically to green tariffs, although they have high stated preferences for such changes. Our insights suggest several directions for policy, but also for electricity providers, to in-crease these switching rates. For example, the high importance of trust attitudes for the change to green electricity tariffs suggests a transparency initiative of electricity providers to decrease reservations against green power.

Based on data from a large-scale computer-based survey among more than 3700 German citizens, this paper empirically disentangles the determinants of the general change of electricity contracts and the specific change to green electricity contracts. Our econometric analysis reveals a strong relevance of behavioral factors and individual values and norms. For example, patience (which was measured by an incentivized experiment included in the survey) has a significantly positive effect on both general switches to alternative electricity contracts and specific switches to green electricity contracts. Furthermore, trust and (less robust) social preferences (also measured by an incentivized experiment) have additional significantly positive effects on the specific change to green electricity contracts. Our estimation results also imply an important role of political identification, i.e. an ecological policy orientation is strongly significantly positively correlated with the change to green electricity contracts. Furthermore, several household specific factors like relocation decisions as well as socio-demographic and socio-economic variables like household income are also relevant. The empirical analysis thus provides new explanation patterns for the phenomenon that relatively few households regularly change their electricity contracts and specifically switch to green electricity contracts, although they have high stated preferences for such changes. Our insights suggest several directions for policy and electricity suppliers to increase these switching rates. For example, the high importance of trust for the change to green electricity contracts suggests transparency initiatives of electricity suppliers to decrease concerns against renewable energies.

Based on data from a representative survey among more than 2200 households, this paper empirically examines the agreement to the German energy transition in total and to six single energy policy measures, which are components of this challenging national policy approach. Our micro-econometric analysis with uni- and multivariate binary and ordered probit models reveals that both economic calculus and personal and social values are relevant for this agreement. An expected future electricity price increase due to the energy transition (which especially incorporates the price expectations in the hypothetical case that the measures of the energy transition are withdrawn) is significantly negatively correlated with the agreement to the two core measures of the energy transition, namely the nuclear phase-out and the financial support of the expansion of renewable energies. While other economic variables like income and energy expenditures also have some significant effects, our estimation results especially reveal that political identification and other personal values are at least equally relevant. For example, an overall left-green orientation is significantly positively correlated with the agreement to the energy transition in total and especially to the aforementioned core measures of the energy transition, which are also significantly positively affected by strong environmental values. Our econometric analysis suggests that studies that only include economic variables or only include personal and social values in order to explain the acceptance of policy measures can lead to biased estimation results and thus distorted conclusions. For policy makers our study additionally identifies important skeptical population groups which might be addressed in order to increase the acceptance of climate and energy policy measures like the German energy transition.

Based on unique data from representative computer-based surveys among more than 3400 citizens, this paper empirically examines the determinants of climate change beliefs, climate policy support, and climate protection activities in three countries which are key players in international climate policy, namely the USA, Germany (as largest country in the European Union), and China. Our econometric analysis focuses on the effect of ideological and political identification and especially considers the interrelationship between a right-wing or a left-wing orientation and environmental values. Our estimation results imply that environmental awareness is in all three countries the major factor for attitudes and activities towards climate change. In Germany, citizens with a conservative, but not social or green orientation significantly less often support climate policy and particularly have a significantly lower willingness to pay a price premium for climate-friendly products, whereas ideological differences are negligible for climate change beliefs. In contrast, a right-wing orientation has significantly negative effects on all attitudes and activities towards climate change in the USA. Furthermore, an increasing environmental awareness decreases ideological differences in the support of climate policy in Germany and the USA and especially in general climate change beliefs and beliefs in anthropogenic climate change in the USA. Our estimation results suggest alternative strategies such as specific communication campaigns in order to reduce the climate change skepticism in conservative and right-wing circles in the USA and to increase the support of climate policy among such population groups.