Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- IS THIS THING WORKING? -- WHY WE LOST TRUST -- WHAT WE LOSE WHEN WE LOSE TRUST -- THE LEVERS OF CHANGE -- INSTITUTIONALISTS TO THE RESCUE -- COUNTER DEMOCRACY AND CITIZEN MONITORING -- PRODUCTIVE DISRUPTION -- DECENTRALIZATION -- DO SOMETHING: EFFICACY AND SOCIAL CHANGE -- Afterword: Katrina and COVID-19.

Current fears over mistrust in journalism have deep roots. Not only has trust in news media been declining since a high point just after Watergate, but American trust in institutions of all sorts is at historic lows. This phenomenon is present to differing degrees in many advanced nations, suggesting that mistrust in institutions is a phenomenon we need to consider as a new reality, not a momentary disruption of existing patterns. Furthermore, it suggests that mistrust in media is less a product of recent technological and political developments, but part of a decades-long pattern that many advanced democracies are experiencing. Addressing mistrust in media requires that we examine why mistrust in institutions as a whole is rising. One possible explanation is that our existing institutions aren't working well for many citizens. Citizens who feel they can't influence the governments that represent them are less likely to participate in civics. Some evidence exists that the shape of civic participation in the US is changing shape, with young people more focused on influencing institutions through markets(boycotts, buycotts and socially responsible businesses), code (technologies that make new behaviors possible, like solar panels or electric cars) and norms (influencing public attitudes) than through law. By understanding and reporting on this new, emergent civics, journalists may be able to increase their relevance to contemporary audiences alienated from traditional civics. One critical shift that social media has helped accelerate, though not cause, is the fragmentation of a single, coherent public sphere. While scholars have been aware of this problem for decades, we seem to have shifted to a more dramatic divide, in which people who read different media outlets may have entirely different agendas of what's worth paying attention to. It is unlikely that a single, authoritative entity– whether it is mainstream media or the presidency – will emerge to fill this agenda-setting function. Instead, we face the personal challenge of understanding what issues are important for people from different backgrounds or ideologies. Addressing the current state of mistrust in journalism will require addressing the broader crisis of trust in institutions. Given the timeline of this crisis, which is unfolding over decades, it is unlikely that digital technologies are the primary actor responsible for the surprises of the past year. While digital technologies may help us address issues, like a disappearing sense of common ground, the underlying issues of mistrust likely require close examination of the changing nature of civics and public attitudes to democracy.

Las tecnologías de los medios sociales como los blogs y Facebook proporcionan un nuevo espacio para el discurso político, lo que ha llevado a algunos gobiernos a intentar controlar el discurso online. Los activistas que utilizan Internet para expresar su disidencia pueden alcanzar mayores audiencias publicando en las plataformas de las redes sociales más populares que en sus propios y solitarios servidores, puesto que provocarán reacciones de los gobiernos que a su vez atraerán mayor atención a sus causas. Pero aunque las plataformas de redes sociales comerciales a menudo resisten a la censura de los gobiernos, las restricciones con las que limitan el discurso político en la red sugieren que las barreras para el activismo están más en los términos de servicio corporativos que en la censura gubernamental. ; Participatory media technologies like weblogs and Facebook provide a new space for political discourse, which leads some governments to seek controls over online speech. Activists who use the Internet for dissenting speech may reach larger audiences by publishing on widely-used consumer platforms than on their own standalone webservers, because they may provoke government countermeasures that call attention to their cause. While commercial participatory media platforms are often resilient in the face of government censorship, the constraints of participatory media are shaping online political discourse, suggesting that limits to activist speech may come from corporate terms of service as much as from government censorship.

Dissatisfaction with existing governments, a broad shift to "post‐representative democracy" and the rise of participatory media are leading toward the visibility of different forms of civic participation. "Participatory civics" uses tools of participatory media and relies on theories of change beyond influencing representative governments to seek change. This article offers a framework to describe participatory civics in terms of theories of change used and demands places on the participant, and examines some of the implications of the rise of participatory civics, including the challenges of deliberation in a diverse and competitive digital public sphere.

As the blogosphere has expanded outside its original US context, it has changed from an extended community in which everyone shares a roughly similar set of suppositions and languages to a set of separate blogospheres characterized by different cultures and languages. Bridgebloggers-bloggers who seek to mediate between these cultures and languages-play an increasingly crucial role in connecting these disparate spheres of conversation and argument together. In this paper, I discuss the difficulties of quantifying the extent to which the blogosphere is characterized by different language communities and national communities. I employ qualitative evidence to examine blogospheres emerging in Asia, Southern Africa, the Arab-speaking world and elsewhere, and to assess the importance of bridgebloggers in drawing connections between them. Adapted from the source document.

Cover-Page -- Half-Title -- Dedication -- Title -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Foreword by Ethan Zuckerman -- Introduction: Searching for the digital street -- The structure of this work -- Technical note -- Legal note -- Notes -- 1 DDoS and Civil Disobedience in historical context -- Silence and disruption in the time of constant comment -- "Full and free discussion even of ideas we hate" -- Notes -- 2 Blockades and blockages: DDoS as direct action -- Functional metaphors of geography and physicality -- Shouting down your opponent: The censorship critique -- The Euskal Herria Journal and the IGC -- The "Deportation class" action -- Notes -- 3 Which way to the #press channel? DDoS as media manipulation -- Terrorist, hacker, artist, nuisance: The many media reflections of the EDT -- Allies in the toywar -- Anonymous and the media: Manipulation, entertainment, and readymades -- Shadows in the monitor: The CAE's symbolic dissent critique -- What does winning look like? -- Notes -- 4 Show me what an activist looks like: DDoS as a method of biographical impact -- The culture of the Hive -- Anonymous' hacker identity -- Notes -- 5 Identity, anonymity, and responsibility: DDoS and the personal -- DDoS and impure dissent -- Identity, anonymity, and responsibility within protest -- Accessibility in technologically defined tactical spaces -- Notes -- 6 LOIC will tear us apart: DDoS tool development and design -- The Electronic Disturbance Theater and FloodNet -- Anonymous, Operation Payback and LOIC -- A forked comparison: abatishchev and NewEraCracker -- Changes in the technology -- Notes -- 7 Against the man: State and corporate responses to DDoS actions -- Terrorism accusations and the CFAA -- GCHQ's rolling thunder and the (re)militarization of the internet -- The internet as melded commercial/military space.

"This book provides strategies for building back truth online. It provides solutions so that we can repair our existing social media platforms and build better ones that prioritize value over profit, strengthen community ties, and promote access to trustworthy information"--