Suchergebnisse

In CB 2017, the CRRC continued to measure the population's trust in public opinion polls' results in Georgia. While almost half of the population reported trusting poll results themselves, a much weaker belief was recorded that 'people around' trust the results of public opinion polls conducted in Georgia. Only a quarter of the population reported trusting public opinion poll results and, at the same time, believed that people around them also trusted them. Three quarters, on the other hand, agreed that polls help all of us obtain better knowledge about the society we live in. This paper presents some of the inconsistences in the attitudes towards polls in Georgia, confirming one of the major findings based on the 2015 data: there is so far little certainty in the Georgian society about public opinion polls.

This contribution gives an overview of Georgian public opinion towards the EU based on a survey conducted
in May 2017. The analysis focuses on the perceived relation between Georgian traditional values and closer
integration with the EU by looking at the characteristics of those people who report the perception that the
EU threatens Georgian traditions.

Although 6% of the population of Georgia reported not knowing anything about public opinion polls in 2015, polls - especially those focused on political issues - have become a visible part of the political landscape of the country. However, decision makers most often use the results with a specific agenda in mind. As CRRC's 2015 Caucasus Barometer data suggest, attitudes towards poll results are ambivalent. However, there is a clear expectation that the government should consider the results of public opinion polls when making political decisions.

The main focus of this paper is the analysis of reported level of (dis)trust towards the Ombudsmen in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, based on the findings of CRRC's Caucasus Barometer survey. During the period from 2008 to 2013, trust towards the respective country's Ombudsman declined in all three countries. Both bivariate and regression analysis suggest that the nature of (dis)trust towards the Ombudsmen is different in each country, but in all cases it is positively correlated with reported trust towards major governing bodies. Although the respective Laws are clear that this is an independent institution, our finding suggests that, in public perception, Public Defenders represent the government – and this perception may hinder efficiency of this institution to serve as promoters of "human rights culture" in their countries. ; peer-reviewed

This paper is based on CRRC's 2015 Caucasus Barometer survey findings and analyzes attitudes reported by the population of Georgia towards immigrants. The authors argue that behind the manifested tolerance, there is empirical evidence of rather ambivalent attitudes towards immigrants. Immigration is becoming increasingly visible in Georgia's social, economic and cultural life, and attitudes towards immigrants may serve as a proxy for attitudes towards "others" in general. Specifically, negative attitudes towards immigrants may indicate a specific manifestation of a deeper fear of "others". As little academic or policy work has been done in this direction in Georgia, the conclusions the authors derive, beyond their academic importance, may have highly important practical policy implications, as they may help to shape policies addressing tolerance among the population of Georgia in general.

This article examines the factors influencing age at death in the multiethnic villages, comprised mostly of Georgians and Ossets, in the Kistauri commune in the eastern Republic of Georgia between 1897 and 1997. The data are analyzed with Cox proportional hazards models using age at death as the dependent variable, and ethnicity, gender, marital status, residency status, and year of birth as the independent variables. The results show that Georgians lived longer than Ossets. Individuals who had ever been married lived longer than those who had not. The results perhaps reflect harsher living conditions for Ossets, the ethnic minority, despite Soviet ideologies about equality.

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 16 The aim of the paper is twofold. First, to outline the relationship of the EU and Turkey in the field of irregular migration and present the main drivers that underpin the relations from 1999 to 2017. While acknowledging that emphasis on irregular migration is given particularly post-2011, the paper argues that the dynamics characterising the relationship between Turkey and the EU do not change significantly in the pre-and post-2011 period. Secondly, the paper presents the most likely of the three scenarios- conflict, cooperation, and convergence- in the area of irregular migration drawing from the drivers of the past and present in the EU, Turkey, but also the Southern neighbourhood and beyond. The paper argues that though conflict is unlikely, equally so is convergence, with a model of transactional operational cooperation more likely and reflective of EU-Turkey relation on irregular migration management. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 692976. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

As Georgia seeks to reinvent itself as a nation-state in the post-Soviet period, Georgian women are maneuvering, adjusting, resisting and transforming the new economic, social and political order. In Gender in Georgia, editors Maia Barkaia and Alisse Waterston bring together an international group of feminist scholars to explore the socio-political and cultural conditions that have shaped gender dynamics in Georgia from the late 19th century to the present. In doing so, they provide the first-ever woman-centered collection of research on Georgia, offering a feminist critique of power in its many manifestations, and an assessment of women's political agency in Georgia