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The article sets out to examine the complexity of national identity and to provide a more nuanced understanding of how inclusive and exclusive characteristics of national identity, which appear theoretically contradictory but show empirically considerable compatibility, relate to each other. In order to empirically investigate the nature of national identity, the article develops a multidimensional model - consisting of an ethnic, cultural, territorial and civic dimension. The article explores the understanding of national identity in two specific groups: members of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the United Kingdom and members of the Frisian National Party (FNP) in the Netherlands. The evidence presented is based on data from two full membership studies, and the model is operationalised using a confirmatory factor analyses. The conclusion is that national identity can be conceptualised as consisting of one, or several, base layer(s) that can be 'topped-up' with secondary layers. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe article sets out to examine the complexity of national identity and to provide a more nuanced understanding of how inclusive and exclusive characteristics of national identity, which appear theoretically contradictory but show empirically considerable compatibility, relate to each other. In order to empirically investigate the nature of national identity, the article develops a multidimensional model – consisting of an ethnic, cultural, territorial and civic dimension. The article explores the understanding of national identity in two specific groups: members of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the United Kingdom and members of the Frisian National Party (FNP) in the Netherlands. The evidence presented is based on data from two full membership studies, and the model is operationalised using a confirmatory factor analyses. The conclusion is that national identity can be conceptualised as consisting of one, or several, base layer(s) that can be 'topped‐up' with secondary layers.

This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the party's overall civic image.

1. Introduction -- 2. Public Value in Britain: A 'Post-New Public Management' Environment? -- 3. Public Sector Reform in the UK: Key Developments, Debates and Political Responses in Challenging Times -- 4. Modes of State Governance, Populist Pressures and Public Sector Reform -- 5. Evidence Based Policy and Public Value Management: Mutually-Supporting Paradigms? -- 6. Public Service Innovation: Challenging and Possibilities for Innovation Adoption -- 7. Public Value Leadership in the Context of Outcomes, Impact and Reform -- 8. Accountability and Networks: Mind the Gap -- 9. Public Value Management in Brexit Britain -- 10. Public Value Management: A Paradigm.

Although the actual constitutional preferences of the Scottish public have been analysed at great length, the assessments of how different constitutional scenarios will perform in future have received little attention. This paper aims to address this by examining how well the public think an independent and a devolution max (DevoMax) Scotland will perform, looking specifically at the role of national identity and party affiliation. Factor analysis is used to construct a latent 'performance assessment' variable, and this latent variable is used extensively in the analysis. The paper finds that, on the whole, there is little difference between performance assessments of independence and DevoMax. However when considering national identity it can be seen that although Scottish identifiers by and large assess independence and DevoMax equally, strong British identifiers do not; they are considerably less negative about DevoMax. Furthermore, although the patterns of performance assessment are unsurprising in terms of party affiliation, Labour affiliates are, on the whole, more positive about the future performance of an independent Scotland than might have been expected. Furthermore, linear regression shows that the 'identity' variables have a more powerful effect on perceptions of independence than DevoMax. These findings suggest that an element of 'heuristic shortcutting' might be taking place.

Historically, cooperation across borders was an area of activity dominated by central government actors. However, in the EU some of the earliest institutionalised forms of territorial cooperation are based on bottom-up initiatives involving border municipalities. Current territorial cooperation arrangements continue to be strongly based upon local and regional institutions and actors. Theoretical work on Europeanisation, multi-level governance and new regionalism highlights the increased role of sub-national actors in driving economic development and participating in external networking and cooperation activities. However, the scope and diversity of programmes mean that the opportunities for local and regional partners in terms of influencing the outcomes of programmes are equally varied. There have been significant differences in governance dimensions of programmes. Key questions this paper explores are to what extent bottom-up or top-down approaches are used as well as differences in terms of centralised or localised management or implementation structures. The first part of this paper explores which actors influence key processes in the territorial cooperation cycle at which stage and how these can vary across programmes in order to assess the existence of governance dimensions. The second part of the paper builds on the first section and will specifically focus on the impact that macro-regional strategies have had and can expected to have in the future. These strategies have the potential to significantly affect established territorial cooperation programmes (such as INTERREG). However, its full implications are not fully understood. This section will also explore how these macro-regional strategies may lead to changes in governance approaches and have an impact on the types of partners that European territorial cooperation attracts. The paper's overall aim is to assess to what extent the multi-level governance paradigm extents to the operationalization of territorial cooperation programmes and how future developments will affect it. The paper focuses INTERREG A and B strands of European territorial cooperation but its findings can be applied more broadly. It draws from data collected in relation to a major ESPON study (ESPON TERCO). The paper makes use of data from 8 broad case studies that are based on 224 in depth interviewees as well as 5 in-depth case studies that examined issues of governance, coordination, management and implementation of territorial cooperation. For these 5 in depth case studies a total of 35 respondents were interviewed.

This article investigates the role of European Union (EU) Cohesion Policy in urban development policy rescaling following the introduction of a strengthened regulatory framework for integrated territorial development in 2014–20. We find variations in the rescaling of sustainable urban development policies in the Netherlands, Poland and Spain shaped by domestic politics, path dependence and institutional capacity. The theoretical implication is that the European Commission's focus on a functional rationale for urban rescaling encounters political, policy and institutional constraints, which raises questions about the EU's capacity to shape rescaling dynamics and the need for more flexible approaches to achieve EU goals.