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Starting from the empirical observation of high levels of absorption of EU cohesion funds but strikingly low levels of substantive change in regional cohesion, this essay offers a contextual analysis of regional development policies in Hungary. Based on theoretical frameworks dealing with Europeanisation, new regionalism and participative development, it explores the reasons for this observation by analysing the role of administrative and planning structures and of development discourses. The essay shows that the Europeanisation of regional development policy triggered several changes in the planning process and led to the partial inclusion of new actors. However, the main effect of this was a growing centralisation of development policy making. The essay explains this by pointing to the domestic political context and the historical foundations of regional development discourses of the conservative and leftist liberal parties. While there are overlaps between the discourses on both sides of the ideological divide, they are perceived as incompatible by political actors. Thus, it is argued that considerations of political power, rather than ideological nature, shape Hungarian regional and development policy and explain the incremental reform process. Adapted from the source document.

In this article we examine two research questions. The first is how states use their membership in international organizations to attain foreign policy goals, enhance their political visibility, exercise strategic influence in global political affairs, and obtain advantageous policy outcomes. Recently Turkey successfully sought to use international fora, such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the African Union (AU), with which Turkey has a strategic partnership, to launch initiatives with African states to galvanize action on policy matters of common concern among Turkey and African countries. It would be wrong, however, to claim that Turkey seeks a form of hegemony in Africa, as is widely stated about China, India, and other regional powers in the continent. Instead, following Sandra Destradi, we prefer to view Turkey's presence in Africa as an effort to involve African states in Turkey's pursuit of material gains by convincing those states of their shared values and goals with Turkey. Material gains consist broadly of economic advantages, such as increased trade opportunities and investment, as well as political visibility in global affairs. Economic advantages are easily demonstrable through trade figures, which we present. Political visibility can be qualified on a case-by-case basis, and we examine two such cases. The first is the role of Turkey in the Cotton Forum of the OIC since 2007; the second is Turkey's recent establishment of multilateral and bilateral relations with African states. Adapted from the source document.

Moral politics, neoliberal governmentality, and gender -- Discourse to emotion framework: how to read hutbes as data sources? -- How do public narratives serve for neoliberal governmentality? -- Manipulation, discipline and regulation: the discursive construction of expertise and social policy -- Deliberation, contestation, and the boundaries of neoliberal governmentality.

This article investigates the puzzle of the emergence of Turkish politicians' discourse on population stagnation and growth despite healthy population growth and an above-replacement-level birth rate. We understand this emergence through considering how politicians link national identity and economic value to population increase. Empirically, our article traces the slogans that then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan and the governing party politicians used to frame the "population issue" in Turkey from 2008 to 2013. Drawing from the Ajans Press database of over 5,000 newspaper articles, we selected 120 of the news items including politicians' slogans: the terms children, women, economy, family, morality, and birth. We grouped them in four clusters: youth/young couples, children, population control/ abortion, and prosperity. This allowed us to depict how politicians' slogans sustain the dimensions of population politics that we inductively generated. We show that the "three children" slogan of the current President Erdoǧan preceded and replaced population policy deliberations, and affected the public discursively. Thanks to a media that is only semi-free, this discourse has acquired an existence beyond the context where it was initially expressed. We argue that the norms embedded in political discourse and circulated for public deliberation generate the discursive governance of population politics. Thereby, politicians advance governance even without introducing major policy changes.

Experience in various countries demonstrated that populist leaders enfeeble democracy. Once elected, populist leaders concentrate power in their hands while undermining horizontal checks on their power. By drawing upon the Trump presidency in the U.S., this article reveals one of the dynamics in which populist leaders bypass institutions of horizontal checks in policy-making. It argues that populist leaders use social media platforms to disseminate discourse to convince people that a certain course of action is necessary and thereafter bypass formal institutions in policy-making. Trump used discourse first to discipline the federal bureaucracy, second to roll back Obama-era social and environmental regulations, and third to reorient the US migration policy. His discourse became pervasive thanks to his efficient use of Twitter, which allowed him to achieve political change without going through formal institutional channels.

This article argues that digital publics unleash and bolster everyday racism, creating an unregulated space where anonymity and ubiquity enable the dissemination of racist message. By creating broader visibility and wider reach of racist texts and facilitating more participation for racists, social media platforms such as Twitter normalize gendered and place-based racialization of refugees. Recently, hostility and hate became the norm in derogating the refugee identity on social media platforms. To investigate the complexity of digital racism, this article presents a unique case study on Twitter, capturing the widespread user reactions in the aftermath of the mass resettlement of Syrians in Turkey. It examines varying racialization of Syrians on the Turkish Twittersphere, using sentiment and qualitative content analyses of hashtags and mentions on Syrians, when they hit Twitter trends for Turkey for a year, first, for mundane events and, second, during the Turkish state's occupation in Northern Syria.