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Research on election violence often does not capture its psychological and gendered dimensions. Gender differences on the continuum of violence, as acknowledged in other fields, are applied here to election violence. Specifically, this article explores ways to unveil the forms of election violence that are hidden from the view of an external observer because they are either not carried out in public or not recognized as violence. Survey data and interview material was collected from men and women political candidates participating in the 2014 national elections in the Maldives. The study concludes that the continuum of violence is relevant for adequately assessing the full range of illegitimate acts used against men and women candidates to affect electoral races. Women candidates in the Maldives were more exposed than men candidates to threats and to verbal and figurative sexualized aggression.

AbstractMyanmar faces enormous development challenges in the midst of a rapidly changing and uncertain landscape both in terms of politics and international aid. This article probes into the intertwined nature of political development and the politics of development, drawing upon existing literature and contributions of this special issue. It critically analyzes the mismatch between the long-term societal change processes that Myanmar faces, on the one hand, and the instability of domestic politics and international development, on the other. It is argued that the prospects for development in Myanmar need to be assessed in a context of constant interaction between political development and the politics of development.

Myanmar faces enormous development challenges in the midst of a rapidly changing and uncertain landscape both in terms of politics and international aid. This article probes into the intertwined nature of political development and the politics of development, drawing upon existing literature and contributions of this special issue. It critically analyzes the mismatch between the long-term societal change processes that Myanmar faces, on the one hand, and the instability of domestic politics and international development, on the other. It is argued that the prospects for development in Myanmar need to be assessed in a context of constant interaction between political development and the politics of development.

Election violence is an important issue from a number of perspectives. Understanding the causes and consequences of violations of personal integrity is always relevant, but election violence adds a different dimension to this already serious issue: it also violates electoral integrity and decreases democratic quality (Norris 2013). Therefore, election violence should be studied as a simultaneous violation of personal and electoral integrity. In this contribution, I define election violence as occurring when (1) the goal of the act is to affect an electoral outcome or prevent someone from running in an election, and (2) the means by which it is carried out violates the personal integrity of individuals involved in the electoral process.

"Men's Political Representation" published on by Oxford University Press.

Male parliamentary dominance, rather than the corresponding female parliamentary underrepresentation, is the object of study in this thesis. This shift in focus implies a gendered analysis centered on men and men's practices. The thesis contributes to our understanding of how male dominance is maintained and reinvented by empirically studying male parliamentary dominance in clientelist settings. Worldwide trends of parliamentary representation are analyzed statistically and constitute the starting-point for a case study of male political networks in Thailand. Clientelism is a strategy used by political actors to increase predictability in politically unpredictable settings. The thesis shows that clientelism is an informal political practice that requires the building and maintenance of large and localized networks to help distribute services, goods and/or money in exchange for political support. Where political parties also use candidate selection procedures that are informal, exclusive and localized, there are ample openings for clientelist practices to translate into political power and ultimately parliamentary seats. This study also coins and develops a new concept: homosocial capital. It shows that clientelist networks are and continue to be male dominated because homosocial capital, a political capital accessible only to men, is needed for electoral success. Homosocial capital has two main components: a perceived pragmatic necessity to build linkages to those with access to important resources in society and a more psychological desire to cooperate with individuals whose behavior can be understood, predicted and trusted.

"This edited volume brings together U.S. and European scholars within political science, comparative politics, international relations, and other related disciplines and practitioner fields to offer theoretical and methodological perspectives on gender and political violence and to encourage conversation across subfields and disciplines on the topic"--

Most politicians are men, yet there is a surprising lack of focus within political science on the causes and consequences of male dominance. This article outlines how political science could benefit from greater engagement with scholarship on men and masculinities. The concept of 'political masculinities' has focused on the importance of 'the political' to masculinities scholarship; we argue for extending this concept to analyse men and masculinities within political science. We identify insights from scholarship on masculinities that would deepen our understanding of power within formal political arenas. We consider how gender and politics scholarship could benefit from expanding its focus on men. We highlight feminist institutionalism as a tool for bringing masculinities into the study of political institutions. We then offer a framework for taking this research agenda forwards, showing how we can better understand male dominance by thinking about how men access, exercise, maintain and reproduce power.

There is growing evidence of the international and domestic political benefits for autocrats to advance women's rights (Bjarnegård and Zetterberg 2016; Bush and Zetterberg 2021; Donno and Kreft 2019; Tripp 2019). Research on the adoption of gender reforms in autocracies—including contributions in this Critical Perspectives section by Audrey L. Comstock and Andrea Vilán (2022) and Aili Mari Tripp (2022)—emphasizes the dual role of international pressure (Donno, Fox, and Kaasik 2021; Edgell 2017; Okundaye and Breuning 2021) and women's movements (Giersdorf and Croissant 2011; Htun and Weldon 2012; Tripp 2015). Reforms can be "top-down" if the autocrat advances rights even while suppressing the women's movement, or "bottom-up" if the regime allies with—and seeks to co-opt—civil society groups.