Suchergebnisse

.How do Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) interact with global and local (non)state actors in fragile contexts? Which types of governance outcomes does this interaction produce? These aspects remain substantially under researched. None of the strands identified in the literature is substantially able to answer such questions. Moreover, how NGOs make sense of the changes, conflicts, cooperative relationships taking place within governance structures, what roles do NGOs play in the processes through which structures regulate the provision of services, is more assumed than researched. To fill this gap, this dissertation intends to contribute to the research on decision-making within NGOs. I provide a theoretical model taken from the economics of organizations that helps understanding the decision-making process, and highlights the presence of a set of factors that are common, relevant and interconnected for NGOs, creating a typology of organizations that allows me to formulate clear propositions regarding the potential programming trajectories, depending on the combination of two major intra-organizational conditions. Lastly, both the theoretical framework and the typology allow me to explore which types of (intended) consequences different routines have for governance structures. I will start creating an overarching political economic framework that highlights the existence of multiple institutional sets and their co-existence/competition in civil wars. These institutional settings are plugged into strategic complexes – networks that connect multiple actors that provide the institutional constraints and opportunities of action for humanitarian aid. Lastly, these networks constitute the arena – the social space – in which humanitarian aid is negotiated, and in which its language can be used for legitimation purposes, while simultaneously advancing individual interests and objectives Against such structural constraints, NGO programming has to take into account both internal normative commitments and financial security concerns. Principles so determine the identity of NGOs, their long term objectives, goals and commitments. But the external environment determine their financial constraints. The unfolding of this decision-making, and the role of different normative and/or material factors at each stage can be captured through the framework of organizational learning. Basing on interviews conducted in Tunis between November 2016 and March 2017 and on the analysis of secondary sources, this dissertation configures as a Small N Case Study in which I reconstruct the decision-making of three International Humanitarian NGOs – the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), International Medical Corps and Mediciens Sans Frontiers Holland (MSFH). Through this process, I outline how such actors have organized their programming in the period between 2011 and 2016 in the post-Revolutionary Libya.

A strong argument in the literature on rebel governance sees cooperation with civilians a key component for the success of rebel groups' political agendas. Coercion, in fact, may work only until territorial control is contested. Conversely, once control is secured, it may alienate civilian support and imperil the group's achievements. The key challenge here is how to build governance structures able to provide public goods. One factor affecting the development of such governance structures is the presence of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). Ensuring INGOs collaboration may increase rebels' international/local legitimacy. However, compared to their increasing engagement, we know fairly little about the ways in which INGOs interact with conflict security governances. Thus the paper will address the following questions: How do NGOs define their security strategies, in adaptation to conflict dynamics? Which factors will most likely affect the decision making process? Drawing on two different sets of theories, the paper will advance a theoretical framework aiming to tackle such issues. It will compare two competing hypotheses, the first drawn on studies of governance in areas of limited statehood and rebel governance; the second based on the learning theories of organizations. Both hypotheses assume firstly that – to be operative – organizations must purchase security from the market for force. Secondly, that organizations have a set of strategies - avoidance, acceptance, alliance, fortress and engagement. For the first perspective, NGOs strategies are considered as contractual choices constrained by and adaptive to structural governance imperatives. For the second perspective, the 'purchase' spawns from a constant monitoring of the conflict, thus strategies result from a 'learning process'. The strategy is the explanandum, while the learning - the intermediate variable – is determined by experience, context and knowledge. This micro-level focus on NGOs officers allows to explore the processes driving the NGO interaction, to understand the dynamics behind arrangements of public goods, and shedding lights on the impacts on local governance.

A strong argument in the literature on rebel governance sees cooperation with civilians a key component for the success of rebel groups' political agendas. Coercion, in fact, may work only until territorial control is contested. Conversely, once control is secured, it may alienate civilian support and imperil the group's achievements. The key challenge here is how to build governance structures able to provide public goods. One factor affecting the development of such governance structures is the presence of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). Ensuring INGOs collaboration may increase rebels' international/local legitimacy. However, compared to their increasing engagement, we know fairly little about the ways in which INGOs interact with conflict security governances. Thus the paper will address the following questions: How do NGOs define their security strategies, in adaptation to conflict dynamics? Which factors will most likely affect the decision making process? Drawing on two different sets of theories, the paper will advance a theoretical framework aiming to tackle such issues. It will compare two competing hypotheses, the first drawn on studies of governance in areas of limited statehood and rebel governance; the second based on the learning theories of organizations. Both hypotheses assume firstly that – to be operative – organizations must purchase security from the market for force. Secondly, that organizations have a set of strategies - avoidance, acceptance, alliance, fortress and engagement. For the first perspective, NGOs strategies are considered as contractual choices constrained by and adaptive to structural governance imperatives. For the second perspective, the 'purchase' spawns from a constant monitoring of the conflict, thus strategies result from a 'learning process'. The strategy is the explanandum, while the learning - the intermediate variable – is determined by experience, context and knowledge. This micro-level focus on NGOs officers allows to explore the processes driving the NGO interaction, to understand the dynamics behind arrangements of public goods, and shedding lights on the impacts on local governance.

Vittima della poliomielite contratta nel 1962, a quattordici anni, Rosanna Benzi ha vissuto per ventinove anni in un polmone d'acciaio. Attraverso la sua vicenda esemplare si ricostruisce una memoria sociale e individuale che si va perdendo: quella di una malattia e dei suoi effetti disabilitanti – nel suo intrecciarsi con la difficoltà di diffusione dei vaccini e con la nascita delle macchine salvavita – e quella di una donna che, partendo dalla malattia, si è battuta per i diritti di tutte le persone in condizioni di marginalità. Una vicenda che si presenta come paradigmatica circa la possibilità di esistere in infinite forme: il polmone d'acciaio, estensione tecnologica per il potenziamento e l'ottimizzazione della vita di Benzi, non ha infatti ostacolato scelte individuali libere che hanno fatto emergere con forza la sua dignità personale e sociale; dal suo specchio, che le ha consentito lo sguardo sul mondo, Benzi ha indagato fino in fondo uomini ed eventi, dalla sua stanza d'ospedale, divenuta sede della rivista «gli altri» da lei stessa diretta, ha svolto la sua azione politica ponendosi pienamente come voce dei valori democratici in Italia e in Europa. La tesi si propone come primo studio di natura non prettamente biografica, interessato alle forme dell'agire etico-politico di Benzi, e, attraverso interviste e testimonianze, ricostruisce le virtù quotidiane che l'attraversano.

Within the field of political psychology studies, the main goal of the present study is to investigate in depth the role played by two different forms – E-Tactics vs E-Movement – of social media activism on the quality of discourses and their possible level of acquired empowerment. Two Italian cases of e-minorities (Teatro Valle Occupato and Roars) will be analysed in terms of argumentative moves following a pragma-dialectic perspective in order to observe how they can construct a possible process of conscientization. Results, achieved by means of quanti-qualitative methods, highlight how E-Tactics (Teatro Valle Occupato), differently from E-Movement (Roars), can better promote normative but also creative forms of argumentations, as activists can claim for their rights but mainly also promote value change. This type of activism is strongly correlated to political participation, differently from E-Movement, mainly oriented to individual empowerment.

Résumé De nombreux cinéastes italiens choisissent aujourd'hui, après une période de silence relatif, de rouvrir la page des années Soixante-dix. Une observation a guidé notre analyse de ce renouveau cinématographique : le glissement net qui, en vingt ans, s'est opéré dans le portrait du terroriste ; d'une figure invisible, mêlée au corps social, telle qu'on la voit dans les films des années Quatre-vingt, elle est désormais hyper individualisée, et auscultée avec les outils du psychologue et du criminologue. Répondant au malaise collectif, aux plaies encore ouvertes par les difficiles années de plomb, ainsi qu'aux vides laissés par une « historiographie à trous », les films se multiplient aujourd'hui et proposent des images mémorielles et des récits collectifs autour desquels la société italienne peut se réunir. Cette visée pacificatrice témoigne d'un nouvel usage de l'image qui entend forclore et délimiter la violence historique.