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This article addresses four major challenges for efforts to create synergy between the global mental health movement and cultural psychiatry. First, although they appear to share domains of mutual interest, the worlds of global mental health and cultural psychiatry have distinct lineages. Expanding their horizons by learning from adjacent disciplines would be mutually beneficial. A second challenge concerns the conceptualization of a new classification system for mental health problems. Adopting a classification system that integrates new insights from socio-neurobiology and from a networks perspective could bring cultural psychiatry and global mental health closer and change the way each field addresses the mental health gap, which constitutes the third challenge. I summarize attempts to achieve comprehensive mental health coverage around the globe and question whether the strategies employed to achieve these goals have been successful, both in high- (HIC) and low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). In LMIC, the dominant strategy needs to be complemented by mobilization of other community resources including local practitioners. A fourth challenge is the lack of mathematical models to guide action and research and solve major preoccupations such as access to care or multi-level analyses in complex ecological or health systems.

Sleep paralysis is one of the lesser-known and more benign forms of parasomnias. The primary or idiopathic form, also called isolated sleep paralysis, is illustrated by showing how patients from different cultures weave the phenomenology of sleep paralysis into their clinical narratives. Clinical case examples are presented of patients from Guinea Bissau, the Netherlands, Morocco, and Surinam with different types of psychopathology, but all accompanied by sleep paralysis. Depending on the meaning given to and etiological interpretations of the sleep paralysis, which is largely culturally determined, patients react to the event in specific ways.

The importance of the family as a unit in the aftermath of trauma necessitates the use of family interventions among immigrants and refugees. While abundant clinical material suggests that family-based trauma interventions are applicable across cultures, very little is known about the extent to which family treatment modalities are effective for immigrants and refugees. We conducted a systematic review of intervention studies that have been designed or modified specifically for traumatized immigrant and refugee families. The terms "trauma," "family," and "immigrants/refugees/culture" were used along with different terms for "intervention." Studies with no research methodology were excluded. Only 6 experimental studies met our inclusion criteria; 4 of them describe school-based interventions and 2 present multifamily support groups. The shortage of research in this area does not allow clear conclusions about the effectiveness of family interventions for traumatized immigrants or refugees. The complexity of employing methodologically rigorous research in small communities is discussed. Future trials should go beyond the individualistic approach and focus on posttraumatic stress disorder to address family-level processes, such as family relationship, communication, and resilience.

The purpose of this article is to present a model to promote and assess interculturalization of mental healthcare services in western multicultural society. We define interculturalization as the adaptation of mental health services to suit clients from different cultures. The suggested measures aim to introduce changes in four contexts: (i) the clinical interface or the relations between the immigrant patient and the healthcare workers and the treatment team; (ii) organizational adaptations required in the treatment context of the mental healthcare facility; (iii) the relation between the mental health facility and the ethnic communities; and (iv) the relation between the mental healthcare system, other facilities and society at large. To monitor the desired changes, the model describes qualitative and quantitative criteria and indicators to be applied in the four contexts.

This article presents a model for research that aims to address challenges in transcultural psychiatric epidemiology. The model involves eclectic application of quantitative and qualitative techniques, namely: focus groups, in-depth interviews, snowball sampling and population surveys. The qualitative methods help provide information on the context of symptoms, illness experience and disease. These methods provide the background information needed to shape research questions, to modify instruments for local situations, and to interpret collected epidemiological data. Examples are provided.

There is little systematic research on the cross-cultural validity of the dissociative disorders, especially in non-western countries. This study evaluates the fit of the DSM-IV classification and concepts of these disorders with local concepts, experiences and local presentations in south-west Uganda. We conducted focus group discussions with medical students, traditional healers, religious leaders, counselors, community members and other health workers ( n = 48). They were supplemented by key informant interviews with religious people, traditional healers and leaders ( n = 11). The responses were subjected to thematic analysis. Dissociative amnesia and depersonalization were generally recognized and seen as the result of traumatic experiences and were useful categories in Uganda. However, dissociative fugue did not match local concepts and was confused with spirit possession and other conditions such as alcoholic fugues and dementia. The description of dissociative identity disorder was always interpreted as a possession trance disorder by the local healers. We found only partial support for the validity of the DSM-IV classification of dissociative disorders in Uganda.

Colonial misconceptions about the absence of depression and the lack of a psychologization of distress among Africans have long been refuted. However, cultural variation in depression in terms of symptomatic expression, conceptualization, explanatory models, and social responses is widely acknowledged. Insight into the cultural variation of depression is useful for providing appropriate care; however, few studies have explored cultural understandings of depression in African settings. In a depression vignette study of two displaced and marginalized San communities in South Africa, we conducted 20 semistructured interviews to explore causal interpretations and strategies for coping. Causal interpretations consisted of several dimensions, including life struggles and physical, psychological, and spiritual interpretations. Respondents primarily focused on life struggles in terms of socioeconomic and interpersonal problems. They described coping strategies as primarily addressing negative emotional and psychological affect through social support for relief, comfort, distraction, or advice on coping with the situation and emotions. In addition, religious coping and professional support from a social worker, psychologist, support group, or medications were mentioned. Findings illustrate that depression should be understood beyond individual suffering and be situated in its immediate social environment and larger sociopolitical setting. Interventions for depression therefore may benefit from a multilevel approach that addresses socioeconomic conditions, strengthens local resources, and fosters collaboration among locally appropriate informal and formal support structures.

BACKGROUND: Reports about child witchcraft are not uncommon in sub-Saharan Africa. In this study we approach child witchcraft as an idiom of distress. In an environment that may prohibit children from openly expressing distress, the shared imagery of witchcraft can provide a cultural idiom to communicate about psychosocial suffering. We used an ecological approach to study how some children in distressing circumstances come to a witchcraft confession, with the aim to set out pathways for mental health interventions. METHODS: We employed rapid qualitative inquiry methodology, with an inductive and iterative approach, combining emic and etic perspectives. We conducted 37 interviews and 12 focus group discussions with a total of 127 participants in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Inductive analysis was used to identify risk and protective factors related to witchcraft accusations and confessions. RESULTS: We identified risk and protective factors related to the individual child, the family, peer relations, teachers and other professionals in a child's life, traditional healers, pastors and the wider society. We found that in the context of a macrosystem that supports witchcraft, suspicions of witchcraft are formed at the mesosystem level, where actors from the microsystem interact with each other and the child. The involvement of a traditional healer or pastor often forms a tipping point that leads to a confession of witchcraft. CONCLUSIONS: Child witchcraft is an idiom of distress, not so much owned by the individual child as well as by the systems around the child. Mental health interventions should be systemic and multi-sectoral, to prevent accusations and confessions, and address the suffering of both the child and the systems surrounding the child. Interventions should be contextually relevant and service providers should be helped to address conscious and subconscious fears related to witchcraft. Beyond mental health interventions, advocacy, peacebuilding and legislation is needed to address the deeper systemic issues of poverty, conflict and abuse.

BACKGROUND: Reports about child witchcraft are not uncommon in sub-Saharan Africa. In this study we approach child witchcraft as an idiom of distress. In an environment that may prohibit children from openly expressing distress, the shared imagery of witchcraft can provide a cultural idiom to communicate about psychosocial suffering. We used an ecological approach to study how some children in distressing circumstances come to a witchcraft confession, with the aim to set out pathways for mental health interventions. METHODS: We employed rapid qualitative inquiry methodology, with an inductive and iterative approach, combining emic and etic perspectives. We conducted 37 interviews and 12 focus group discussions with a total of 127 participants in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Inductive analysis was used to identify risk and protective factors related to witchcraft accusations and confessions. RESULTS: We identified risk and protective factors related to the individual child, the family, peer relations, teachers and other professionals in a child's life, traditional healers, pastors and the wider society. We found that in the context of a macrosystem that supports witchcraft, suspicions of witchcraft are formed at the mesosystem level, where actors from the microsystem interact with each other and the child. The involvement of a traditional healer or pastor often forms a tipping point that leads to a confession of witchcraft. CONCLUSIONS: Child witchcraft is an idiom of distress, not so much owned by the individual child as well as by the systems around the child. Mental health interventions should be systemic and multi-sectoral, to prevent accusations and confessions, and address the suffering of both the child and the systems surrounding the child. Interventions should be contextually relevant and service providers should be helped to address conscious and subconscious fears related to witchcraft. Beyond mental health interventions, advocacy, peacebuilding and legislation is needed to address the deeper systemic ...

A large proportion of treatments in youth mental health care are prematurely terminated by the patient. Treatment dropout can have severe consequences. Since ethnic minority youth are treated less often for mental disorders than other youth, it is important to analyse their risk for dropout and to determine if there are ethnicity-specific determinants. This review aimed to provide an overview of the findings from empirical studies on child and adolescent therapy dropout by ethnic minority and to determine if there were ethnicity-specific dropout determinants. An extensive literature search was performed to locate relevant journal articles. Identified articles were inspected for relevant references and these articles were then included in the meta-analysis. A total of 27 studies were accepted for analysis. The results showed that ethnic minority patients have a higher risk of treatment dropout than ethnic majority patients and that dropout rates are ethnically specific. Several differences in dropout predictors among the ethnic groups were found. In spite of diverse results, review limitations, and the lack of several key variables in the available research, some clinical recommendations are made. The review indicates that to prevent dropout, therapists should pay attention to variables such as ethnic background, therapist–patient ethnic match, and the quality of the therapeutic relationship.

Context: Little is known about the efficacy of mental health interventions for children exposed to armed conflicts in low- and middle-income settings. Childhood mental health problems are difficult to address in situations of ongoing poverty and political instability. Objective: To assess the efficacy of a school-based intervention designed for conflict-exposed children, implemented in a low-income setting. Design, Setting, and Participants: A cluster randomized trial involving 495 children (81.4% inclusion rate) who were a mean (SD) age of 9.9 (1.3) years, were attending randomly selected schools in political violence–affected communities in Poso, Indonesia, and were screened for exposure (≥1 events), posttraumatic stress disorder, and anxiety symptoms compared with a wait-listed control group. Nonblinded assessment took place before, 1 week after, and 6 months after treatment between March and December 2006. Intervention: Fifteen sessions, over 5 weeks, of a manualized, school-based group intervention, including trauma-processing activities, cooperative play, and creative-expressive elements, implemented by locally trained paraprofessionals. Main Outcome Measures: We assessed psychiatric symptoms using the Child Posttraumatic Stress Scale, Depression Self-Rating Scale, the Self-Report for Anxiety Related Disorders 5-item version, and the Children's Hope Scale, and assessed function impairment as treatment outcomes using standardized symptom checklists and locally developed rating scales. Results: Correcting for clustering of participants within schools, we found significantly more improvement in posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms (mean change difference, 2.78; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.02 to 4.53) and maintained hope (mean change difference, −2.21; 95% CI, −3.52 to −0.91) in the treatment group than in the wait-listed group. Changes in traumatic idioms (stress-related physical symptoms) (mean change difference, 0.50; 95% CI, −0.12 to 1.11), depressive symptoms (mean change difference, 0.70; 95% CI, −0.08 to 1.49), anxiety (mean change difference, 0.12; 95% CI, −0.31 to 0.56), and functioning (mean change difference, 0.52; 95% CI, −0.43 to 1.46) were not different between the treatment and wait-listed groups. Conclusions: In this study of children in violence-affected communities, a school-based intervention reduced posttraumatic stress symptoms and helped maintain hope, but did not reduce traumatic-stress related symptoms, depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, or functional impairment.