Suchergebnisse

Abstract
In his book After Europe, the Bulgarian political theorist Ivan Krastev observes the 'free fall' of the dominant grand narrative in Europe after 1989, Fukuyama's idea of the 'End of history'. If we want to understand why we must pay attention both to the 'periphery' of this narrative, as well as to the periphery of Europe, where the recent movement of migration in the refugee crisis is experienced from a nationalist déjà vu mindset and not welcomed, we have to rethink the phenomenon of nationalism and patriotism, and the difference between the two. After a short phenomenology of the diverse combinations of 'love' (among other meanings the love for my patria) and 'justice', the author concludes that a strict separation of patriotism and nationalism is hardly possible. And even more fundamental, there will always be a tension between love and justice or, in philosophical terms, between the particular and the universal. Following Krastev, the autor holds that the contemporary rise of populist movements and of 'illiberal democracy' points to the crisis of a meritocratic idea of liberal democracy. One longs for a form of belonging that is not the result of our performance but that is unconditional, as Jean Améry argued in his reflections on the meanings of a homeland (Heimat).

De Wit talks about the lalcite, one that seems to guarantee a neat and orderly separation of religion and politics. In France itself, judging by the recent literature, most experts seem to agree that, while the majority of today's French certainly continue to endorse lalcite and consider it part of the so-called 'values of the Republic,' when it comes to the concept's actual status, definition, and scope, opinions are deeply divided. Adapted from the source document.

An examination of Alain Finkielkraut's critique of humanist ideology focuses on elements related to the thinking of Carl Schmitt, especially his view of an absolute enemy that must be eradicated. Although Schmitt criticized supporters of the League of Nations, Finkielkraut's criticisms are aimed at the "radical politics" of the Left that views racism & xenophobia as the absolute enemy. Finkielkraut's "intellectual restlessness" is explored to argue that this restlessness stems from the denial of every form of transcendence (referred to as "the seduction of immanence"). Numerous attitudes & ideologies are said to be susceptible to this seduction. Consideration is given to how Finkielkraut's critical interpretation of the modern ideology of humanity took on a totalitarian character over the years & how the concept of humanity was redeemed after WWII & is present in well-meaning discourses against racism. The waste matter produced by such an ideology is described as the "scum of the earth." Finkielkraut concludes that political humanism must defend the figure of the political "enemy" in order to avoid becoming inhuman. J. Lindroth