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From the protesters in Cairo's Tahrir Square to the Tea Party in the United States to the campaign to elect indigenous leader Evo Morales in Bolivia, modern populist movements command international attention and compel political and social change. When citizens demand ""power to the people,"" they evoke corrupt politicians, imperialists, or oligarchies that have appropriated power from its legitimate owners. These stereotypical narratives belie the vague and often contradictory definitions of the concept of ""the people"" and the many motives of those who use populism as a political tool.In T

This article discusses how scholars have analyzed left populist governments in Latin America that include the previously excluded on the condition of their loyalty to the leader. It shows how different normative understandings of democracy have allowed the classification of populism as democratizing, a risk to democracy that could lead to competitive authoritarianism, or a sui generis combination of inclusion and authoritarianism. The paper distinguishes inclusion from democratization, and populists seeking power, from populists in governments, and populist regimes. It argues that the notion of polarized populist democracies captures better their autocratic and inclusionary practices. Populists maintain a commitment to elections hence selectively preserving rights to pluralism, free expression, and association. At the same time, they are authoritarian because populist leaders assume that they embody the people and consider that a section of the population represents the people as a whole, and that their mission is to redeem the people.

La polarización se ha estudiado desde dos posiciones teóricas y normativas. Para sus críticos, atenta en contra de los principios básicos de la democracia liberal. Sin embargo, Laclau (2005) y Mouffe (2018), argumentan que el mayor peligro de nuestro tiempo es la reducción de la política o la administración, por técnicos neoliberales. Estos autores consideran que el populismo de izquierda es necesario para frenar a los populismos xenófobos de derecha y, recuperar las demandas de igualdad socioeconómica y soberanía popular.

Entendiendo el populismo como un estilo de hacer política y, una retórica, performance y estrategia que representa la política, en tanto una lucha entre el pueblo y la oligarquía o las élites, el artículo parte de una breve definición del populismo, para posteriormente identificar, las características de este, en los Estados Unidos; a partir de ello, se analizan las condiciones que hicieron posibles la asunción de Donald Trump al poder, señalando además, la profunda polarización que vive el país, y como esta, puso en jaque a una de las democracias más sólidas.

This article analyzes the contours of populist citizenship as an alternative to neoliberal models of citizenship as consumption, and to liberal models that protect pluralism. It compares how political, socioeconomic, civil, collective, gender, and GLBT rights were imagined and implemented in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. It explains why despite the expansion of some rights, populists' use of discriminatory legalism to regulate the public sphere and civil society led to the displacement of democracy toward authoritarianism.

Building on the existing literature this paper analyzes how – at the turn of the century and into the 21st century – activists in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia constructed narratives that focused on "the people in action". Advocates of the insurrections framed myths of the pure and oppressed people revolting against the tyranny of economic and political elites. Elites responded by differentiating the authentic people from the mob. Indigenous and other poor and non-white protestors were portrayed by elites as the rabble, as uncivilized, and in general, as a danger to democracy. ; Sobre la base de la literatura existente este trabajo analiza cómo – en el cambio de siglo y en el siglo 21 – activistas en Ecuador, Venezuela y Bolivia construyeron narraciones centradas en "la gente en acción." Los defensores de las insurrecciones enmarcaran sus acciones en mitos de los pueblos puros y oprimidos rebelando contra la tiranía de las élites económicas y políticas. Elites respondieron al diferenciar "el pueblo auténtico" de la turba. Manifestantes pobres, no blancos e indígenas fueron retratados por las élites como la chusma, los incivilizados y, en general, como un peligro para la democracia. ; Com base na literatura existente este estudo analisa como – na virada do século e no século 21 – ativistas no Equador, Venezuela e Bolívia construíram narrativas voltadas para "o povo em ação". Os defensores das insurreições enquadraram as suas ações em mitos dos povos puros e oprimidos se revoltando contra a tirania das elites econômicas e políticas. Elites responderam diferenciando "o povo autêntico" da turba. Manifestantes pobres, não-brancos e indígenas foram retratados pelas elites como a ralé, como não civilizados, e, em geral, como um perigo para a democracia.