Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 The Australian Senate and party system: Unique internationally, partially understood domestically -- 2 Elective bicameralism and major party senators in Australia -- 3 Pre-selection and pre-parliamentary backgrounds as influences on the roles of major party senators -- 4 Conflicting roles? The Senator as party functionary and parliamentarian -- 5 Competing interests to party faced by senators -- 6 The major party senator as a key resource for the electoral professional party -- 7 Public relations and incumbency: A coalition advantage in duty senatorship? -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

While the minor party and independent senators might attract media attention, the overwhelming majority of Australia's upper house members are affiliated with the major political parties. These senators are highly partisan: they are dependent on the party for re-election and play a potentially vital role in assisting their parties to secure the maximum number of House of Representative seats, acting as 'shock troops' in marginal seat campaigning. How does this impact the way these senators go about their business? How do they serve their party in the pursuit of lower house seats, the result of which determines who forms government?Professionals or Part-Timers? examines the electoral professionalism of major party senators, as well as how they deal with the sometimes competing interests of factionalism and personal ambition.

Describes the 2005 political campaigns & election outcomes in Western Australia. Despite early polls forecasting otherwise, Labor trounced Richard Court's Coalition government. Key issues debated during the campaign included a proposed canal project, funding for law enforcement & education, & more efficient government. Both campaigns relied heavily on negative advertising. 2 Tables, 10 References. K. Coddon

Legislative recruitment patterns are an important study in the field of political science, given their consequences for the practice of parliamentary government. The Australian parliament is a bicameral legislature, including a powerful elected upper chamber. This article details the pre-parliamentary party backgrounds of Australia's two major parties, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) & the Liberal/National Party coalition (LNP) in the 39th Australian Parliament (1998-2001). It is hypothesised that the pre-parliamentary backgrounds of Upper House major party MPs are dominated by central party experience, while the party experience of Lower House MPs is more significantly localised. It is further hypothesised that these differences in pre-parliamentary backgrounds will remain constant when the respective parties are evaluated individually. This appears something of a paradox given that one would expect central party activists to prefer a legislative career in the lower house, affording them greater ministerial opportunities. The causes of such deviations from expected background distributions amongst legislators is explored. Contrary to traditional findings, upper house MPs are highly partisan, performing functionary roles to assist their lower house colleagues secure re-election. Strong senator partisanship is reflected in the non-parliamentary practice of major party senators. Such partisanship is a consequence of party selection methods, the electoral system & pre-parliamentary party backgrounds, not necessarily the uniquely powerful Australian Senate. It is therefore significant in the Australian polity & may have consequences for less powerful &/or unelected upper chambers in other bicameral parliaments. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Title -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1 A New Sensation -- 2 Resumption of Hostilities -- 3 Ghost from Labor's Past -- 4 The Empire Strikes Back -- 5 'Shit Happens' -- 6 Election Countdown -- 7 One Last Rabbit -- 8 Facing Annihilation -- 9 A Campaign About Nothing -- 10 The End of an Era -- Epilogue -- Sources -- Acknowledgements -- Copyright

Making his first speech to Liberal Party MPs after his victory in the October 2004 Australian federal election, Prime Minister John Howard said that he was 'a great believer in perpetual campaigning' and that the government campaign to win the next election had already begun. The concept of the permanent campaign is important to understanding modern political communication. While an increasing number of voters are claiming to be making up their mind who to vote for in the last week of the formal election campaign, they are influenced in their decision by political messages received well before the formal campaign period. The 2004 Australian federal election displayed many features of permanent campaigning; in particular the advantage permanent campaigning affords the government over the opposition. The Government Members' Secretariat is an example of such advantage. Modern campaign methods such as focus groups, qualitative polling, voter databases, and strategic use of Senate resources for House of Representatives races are used on a permanent basis to build a communications strategy. The resources of the state, including government advertising, postal and office entitlements of members of parliament, are used to research and communicate with the electorate. While many of these techniques have been under development while also being in use for some time, it is only recently that they have been successfully coordinated to the extent that we can now say that the permanent campaign has reached Australia. This article examines this process in the lead-up to the 2004 Australian federal election.

Making his first speech to Liberal Party MPs after his victory in the October 2004 Australian federal election, Prime Minister John Howard said that he was 'a great believer in perpetual campaigning' and that the government campaign to win the next election had already begun. The concept of the permanent campaign is important to understanding modern political communication. While an increasing number of voters are claiming to be making up their mind who to vote for in the last week of the formal election campaign, they are influenced in their decision by political messages received well before the formal campaign period. The 2004 Australian federal election displayed many features of permanent campaigning; in particular the advantage permanent campaigning affords the government over the opposition. The Government Members' Secretariat is an example of such advantage. Modern campaign methods such as focus groups, qualitative polling, voter databases, and strategic use of Senate resources for House of Representatives races are used on a permanent basis to build a communications strategy. The resources of the state, including government advertising, postal and office entitlements of members of parliament, are used to research and communicate with the electorate. While many of these techniques have been under development while also being in use for some time, it is only recently that they have been successfully coordinated to the extent that we can now say that the permanent campaign has reached Australia. This article examines this process in the lead-up to the 2004 Australian federal election.