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In political scientists' drive to examine causal mechanisms, qualitative expert interviews have an important role to play. This is particularly true for the analysis of complex decision-making processes, where there is a dearth of data, and for linking macro and micro levels of analysis. The paper offers suggestions for making the most effective and reflective use of qualitative expert interviews. It advocates an encompassing, knowledge-based understanding of experts and argues for the incorporation of both "inside" and "outside" experts, meaning those that make and those that analyze political decisions, into an integrated analytical framework. It puts forward concrete advice addressing this technique's inherent challenges of selecting experts, experts' personal biases, and the systematic capturing of evidence. Finally, the article suggests that the combination of expert interviews, experimental methods, and online interviewing can meaningfully strengthen the evidentiary value of this important data collection technique.

AbstractCurrent scholarship increasingly argues that international factors and, more specifically, authoritarian collaboration fundamentally affect the persistence of authoritarian rule. In order to generate a better understanding of the nature and effects of these international dimensions of authoritarianism, this article provides a conceptual framework for various aspects of authoritarian collaboration to prevent democracy, particularly the relationship between authoritarian regime types and their international democracy‐prevention policies. It differentiates between authoritarian diffusion, learning, collaboration and support, as well as between deliberate efforts to avert democracy and efforts not explicitly geared towards strengthening autocracy. The article further distinguishes between crisis events and normal conditions where authoritarian rulers' hold on power is not in danger. It is argued that authoritarian powers' motivations to provide support to fellow autocrats are self‐serving rather than driven by an ideological commitment to creating an 'authoritarian international': authoritarian rulers first and foremost strive to maximise their own survival chances by selectively supporting acquiescent authoritarian regimes, maintaining geostrategic control and fostering their developmental goals.

This article examines the sociopolitical and economic impact of the 2010 FIFA World Cup Championship for South Africa, and the rest of Africa. The author sets the scene, describing the host nation's outlook and comparing statistical data with other African nations such as Nigeria and Egypt, in terms of population, land area, commercial resources, investment, and GDP. Next, the article explores the significance of the championship for the continent, emanating former South African President Mbeki's sentiment of hope, which will bring about 'a common sense of empowering achievement'. Then the author explores the organizational and political events and mechanisms working toward development and growth in Africa; and discusses international and continental policies regarding security, politics, trade and defense issues in Africa, and in particular, southern Africa, through the UN, African Union (AU), New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The article also looks at the aspects of cooperative hegemony, before discussing South Africa's leadership role, and the hopes of building a bridge between the North and South. Finally, the article concludes with some insight re the aftereffects of the FIFA Championship, noting 3 important trends and effects. Maps; Photos, References. M Diem

Botswana has been dubbed an 'African miracle'. The country has been praised not only for maintaining a multiparty system and high growth rates since independence but also for its good governance record. In contrast to other African countries, the extent of neopatrimonialism, which runs counter to good governance, is said to be low. This article aims to a) precisely assess Botswana's neopatrimonial profile and b) put forward explanations for the comparatively low level of neopatrimonialism and for the recent 'stagnation of a miracle'. The paper finds that there have always been neopatrimonial tendencies in Botswana, though they have been largely overlooked by mainstream analyses. The crucial difference is the limited nature of these tendencies relative to other African countries. This can be attributed to the independence period, characterized by the homogeneity of political, economic, and administrative interests in safeguarding private property rights through a 'strong' rational-legal state, that is, by limiting neopatrimonialism. Financed by massive revenues stemming from diamonds, the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), and the Bank of Botswana, the government of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) was able to secure its reign through the provision of public goods and limited neopatrimonial exchange relations. However, due to decreasing electoral dominance and elite cohesion, the ruling party is now reverting to some neopatrimonial and authoritarian means in order to safeguard its rule. ; Oftmals wird Botswana als 'afrikanisches Wunder' bezeichnet. Das Land wird nicht nur für seine Mehrparteiendemokratie und sein hohes Wirtschaftswachstum seit der Unabhängigkeit geschätzt, sondern auch für gute Regierungsführung. Im Gegensatz zu anderen afrikanischen Ländern wird der Umfang von Neopatrimonialismus, der guter Regierungsführung entgegensteht, für niedrig gehalten. Um dies zu überprüfen, verfolgt dieser Artikel zwei Ziele: 1) die systematische Erfassung von Botswanas neopatrimonialem Profil und 2) die Erklärung des vergleichsweise niedrigen neopatrimonialen Niveaus des Landes und der 'Stagnation des Wunders' in jüngster Zeit. Es zeigt sich, dass in Botswana schon immer neopatrimoniale Tendenzen bestanden haben, die in den meisten Analysen übersehen werden. Jedoch sind diese Tendenzen begrenzter als in anderen afrikanischen Ländern. Von besonderer Bedeutung ist dabei die Zeit der Unabhängigkeit, die durch die Homogenität politischer, ökonomischer und administrativer Interessen gekennzeichnet war. Die Elite unterstützte die Garantie von Eigentumsrechten durch einen starken Staat. Der Abbau von Diamanten, die Überweisungen der Zollunion des Südlichen Afrikas (SACU) und die Profite der Zentralbank erbrachten zudem hohe Staatseinnahmen, mit denen die Regierung öffentliche Güter finanzieren konnte. Dies stabilisierte die Herrschaft der seit der Unabhängigkeit amtierenden Regierungspartei Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Jedoch nehmen ihre Dominanz bei Wahlen sowie die Elitekohäsion in jüngster Zeit spürbar ab. Als Reaktion darauf bedient sich die herrschende Elite nun einiger neopatrimonialer und autoritärer Mittel, um ihre Herrschaft zu sichern.

Following the neopatrimonialism paradigm, it can be hypothesised that in African states informal politics of the rulers infringe on the collection of taxes and in turn reduce state revenue. This article tests this proposition for the case of Zambia. Neopatrimonial continuity in the country is evidenced by three factors: the concentration of political power, the award of personal favours, and the misuse of state resources. Despite this continuity, the revenue performance increased considerably with the creation of the semi-autonomous Zambia Revenue Authority. Donor pressure has been the most important intervening variable accounting for this improvement. Yet, strengthening the collection of central state revenue has been consistent with a neopatrimonial rationale, and may even have fed neopatrimonialism overall, by providing increased resources for particularistic expenditure. Adapted from the source document.

Following the neopatrimonialism paradigm, it can be hypothesised that in African states informal politics of the rulers infringe on the collection of taxes and in turn reduce state revenues. This article tests this proposition for the case of Zambia. The main finding is that there is no linear correlation between a neopatrimonial system and the collection of taxes. Neopatrimonial continuity in the country is evidenced by three factors; the concentration of political power, the award of personal favours and the misuse of state resources. Despite this continuity, the revenue performance has increased considerably with the creation of the semi-autonomous Zambia Revenue Authority. This demonstrates that the effect of neopatrimonialism on public policy in the African state is highly context-specific and dependent on the interaction with additional variables. Donor pressure has been the most important in the Zambian case. In order to apply neopatrimonialism for further empirical work on public policy in the African state, these additional variables have to be incorporated into the analysis. ; Ausgehend vom Konzept des Neopatrimonialismus kann vermutet werden, dass in afrikanischen Staaten informelle Politiken der Herrscher die Erhebung von Steuern beeinträchtigen und damit die Einnahmen des Staates vermindern. Der vorliegende Artikel testet diese Hypothese am Beispiel von Zambia. Das Hauptergebnis ist, dass kein linearer Zusammenhang zwischen einem neopatrimonialen System und dem Erheben von Steuern besteht. Trotz neopatrimonialer Kontinuität, nachgewiesen durch die drei Variablen Konzentration politischer Macht, Verteilen persönlicher Gefälligkeiten und Missbrauch von staatlichen Ressourcen, hat die Schaffung der halb unabhängigen Zambia Revenue Authority zu einer beträchtlichen Steigerung der staatlichen Einnahmen geführt. Dies zeigt, dass der Effekt von Neopatrimonialismus auf bestimmte Politikfelder des afrikanischen Staates in höchstem Maße Kontext-spezifisch und abhängig von zusätzlichen Variablen ist. Die wichtigste im zambischen Fall ist der Einfluss von Gebern. Um Neopatrimonialismus für die empirische Arbeit zu public policy in afrikanischen Staaten anzuwenden, müssen diese zusätzlichen Variablen in der Analyse berücksichtigt werden.