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Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses cultural change and development through an analysis of a project for increasing production of guinea pigs in the highlands of Ecuador. He opposes two models of knowledge - the traditional and the modern - in order to find discontinuities and eventually contradictions. The empirical findings show that change is difficult to implement when production has a highly symbolic value that, in addition, relates with women's status and symbolic power. However, women's status changes as women gain independence and autonomy

In this article the author argues that the International Olympic Committee (IOC) & the Olympic Movement have a more important role in international politics after the Cold War than they had during the Cold War. This is due to three factors: 1) the IOC & the Olympic Movement have taken a more active role in international politics-, 2) the IOC & the Olympic Movement have been given greater freedom of action in international politics; & 3) international organizations, such as the United Nations, to a greater degree than before, see the IOC & the Olympic Movement as important collaborators in achieving their own goals of peace & reconciliation. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article briefly discusses the history of Portugal's conquering and maintenance of its empire. This article examines enabling factors for the establishment of the Portuguese Empire in light of the relative lack of resources present at the time of the imperial conquest. The impact of ideology and religion in the Portuguese empire is examined. The article introduces the idea that charitable organizations known as Misericordias were pillars of the Portuguese Empire. The functions and political organization of Misericrdias are described. The author briefly discusses the fall of the Portuguese empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

An interview with Geir Lundestad, Director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, Professor of History, and Author. Lundestad answers questions about his academic career and his position as Director of the Nobel Institute. The role of the individual as a catalyst for peace is addressed. There is a discussion about the candidate selection process of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, for which Lundestad compiles a list of candidates, and about the Committee's definition of peace. Lundestad discusses the inception of the concept "empire by invitation," for which he is internationally recognized. Lundestad will be releasing a new book, "Just Another Major Crisis? The United States and Europe since 2000," which focus on the war in Iraq and its impact on transatlantic relations. E. Sundby

Investigations carried out over the course of the last decade have revealed that during much of the Cold War, Sweden espoused a Janus-like policy in which there stood an open non-alignment & neutrality doctrine alongside a secret arrangement to cooperate with Western powers in the event of a Soviet invasion or a European war. This article focuses on what is here suggested to be a series of attempts to rewrite or edit this particular phase of Swedish political history, given the incompatibility of the two stances that Sweden assumed during this period. The author treats some of the highly controversial Swedish policies concerning alignment with the West, in particular with the United States & NATO. References. C. Brunski

The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby

Few books on war & peace have sold more than Norman Angell's The Great Illusion (1910). Few books have been more debated; few have been more misunderstood. This essay reviews the key argument of The Great Illusion, & shows how this book -- & its curious author -- played a formative role in the emergence of JR as a social science around the time of World War I. First, the book offered an incisive criticism of the approach of Realpolitik. Second, it introduced an alternative approach to modern interstate analysis -- an approach that hinged on the concept of interdependence. Third, the book sparked one of the first scholarly debates between Realists & Liberals on the causes of war & the preconditions of peace. These are only some of the reasons why this book deserves to be shortlisted as an influential classic in the field of International Relations. References. Adapted from the source document.

The brutal terrorist attack on defenseless children in Beslan has sent shockwaves throughout the whole civilized world. After the Beslan drama turned into a tragedy, many questions have been raised by both Russian & Western observers. This author seeks to give some answers to these questions. This brief article is based on a comprehensive analysis of the fragmented information provided by various Russian & Western media in the wake of the tragedy. The article attempts to answer the following set of questions: What was the motivation of the attackers? Who were those who decided to commit this cruel act of political violence? What were their agenda & their goals? To what extent was everything possible done in order to avoid the bloodshed? What lessons can be learned from this experience & what conclusions should be drawn by both Russian & Western policymakers who are forced to address the issue of terror & political violence in this vulnerable region? Adapted from the source document.

This article summarizes Barack Obama's foreign policy during his short political career and labels his foreign policy as a mix of expansionism, realism, and institutionalism. A brief biography of Barack Obama is included to address Obama's views of the global community and history. Obama's views on Iraq, the war against terrorism, Iran, the UN, NATO, nuclear weapons, and climate change are examined. It is argued that Obama will be limited by circumstances in his ability to conduct foreign policy according to his convictions. Four examples are provided to illustrate actions desired by Obama but limited by circumstance, including a reform of the UN security council, nuclear disarmament, ratification of the US agreement with the International Court of Justice, and prevention of humanitarian disasters. It is suggested that Obama may prove to have individual strengths, including extraordinary powers of persuasion and inspiration, to overcome limitations and make a mark on history. The author speculates whether Obama's overall foreign policy objective will be peace or moral perfection. References. E. Sundby