Suchergebnisse

This paper show why the standardization of administrative procedure is important for the state legal system that, in the last two decades, the administrative procedure codes were adopted in almost all of the European states. Afterwards author analyzed main driving forces for development of administrative procedural law at the level of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The most important legal sources of European administrative procedural law (basic standards, principles, recommendations and guidelines in this area) are concisely presented but it is clearly indicated that there are certain ambiguities, that these sources don't apply equally to all institutions of the Union, and that they still don't make finished, complete and forever given system that can be automatically transferred to jurisprudence of the member states and candidate countries. Moreover, often administrative process laws of the member states contain rules that are not existing in this kind of regulation at European Union level and that is why the process of adopting the first European Union general law on administrative procedure was initiated, which would further improve the standards of European administrative process in general. When it comes to the general administrative procedure of the Republic of Serbia it has been shown that in spite of the strategic orientation towards the reform of the Law on Administrative Procedure expressed in numerous strategies, our executive authorities in this area have not yet moved beyond the development of the third version of the Draft Law on General administrative Procedure which was afterward adopted by the Government as the Bill. In his final remarks the author concludes stating that the largest number of European standards of administrative process are included in the final version of the Draft, but without eliminating the shortcomings of the existing Law, and without normative adjusting to the circumstances in which the Serbian administration operates, and with unnecessary abandonment of some solutions that have proved to be right in the decades-long practice of administrative authorities.

All Israeli governments since the beginning of the break-up of Yugoslavia have adopted a consistently pro-Serbian stand. Israeli public opinion has failed to respond to Serbian atrocities in a way comparable to the response in many other countries. The author argues that an important part of the explanation of this remarkable state of affairs, which puts Israel at odds with most of the western world and the Jewish diaspora, is to be found in Israel's history. Israel was set up at the price of turning the larger part of native Palestinian population into expellees or refugees. Its continued existence as an ethnic, Jewish state is predicated on not admitting the exiled Palestinians back. Collective repression and denial of these facts help explain the unwillingness or inability of Israeli society and its political establishinent to condemn the Serbs' war of expansion and "ethnic cleansing". (SOI : PM: S. 23)

The Bosnian Hercegovinian society, which immediately after the World War II was predominantly peasant, has undergone since 1953 some social transformations. In this article, the author attempts to explain ideological premises and basic features of economic policies, following transformations in agriculture and industry. At the end of the WW II, 80 per cent of the population of Bosnia and Hercegovina lived in villages, and only 2 per cent worked in factories. Communist regime, inspired by the Soviet economic policies, forced industrialization of the country, a process which placed the agriculture in the background. A low technical education of workers, however, did not allow significant changes of the agrarian society of BiH, even though some progress in industrial production was noted since 1953. This is the main reason why under the aegis of industrial development we witness a development of agrarian society. (SOI : CSP: S. 376)

Historiography under communism, influenced and often motivated by anti-religious and anti-Catholic presuppositions, has held that the opposition of the Catholic Church to legislation and ideology inspired by liberalism in Croatia at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries was not only conservative, but insisted on the identification of Catholicism and Croathood. Historiography termed this supposed trend derogatively as "clericalism". Strecha argues that the term was a bit too strong, and pleads for the term "political catholicism", which in the Croatian context could be named "Catholic Croathood". The author argues that Strecha's terminological suggestion is not only even more confusing, but that he continues the anti-Catholic prejudices of the established historiography. He shows how Strecha simply repeats previously reached conclusions, which were simply repetitions of the anti-Catholic stances of the time. (SOI : CSP: S. 186)

The author analyses the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central and Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 2Oth century. In Poland, like in most Central-European and Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state and was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture and tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in defending national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found increasingly difficult to adapt to the new political conditions. As has been shown through the debates on abortion and religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the status of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions. (SOI : PM: S. 143)

This article deals with problems of poverty in Croatian society. The introductory part points out the economic and political circumstances in which the poverty of a considerable number of citizens becomes an important social problem. In the next part, concepts of absolute, relative and subjective poverty are defined. This is followed by an overview of the results of research into the extent of absolute and relative poverty in Croatian society conducted from 1998 to 2009. The results show that the rate of relative poverty basically remained the same throughout the above-mentioned period. Furthermore, it is shown that the risk factors causing citizens' poverty are the following: low level of education, unemployment, low retirement pensions, old age, and large number of children in the family. The author concludes that the Croatian government neither developed nor carried out any systematic and efficient plan of fighting poverty in Croatian society. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with problems of poverty in Croatian society. The introductory part points out the economic and political circumstances in which the poverty of a considerable number of citizens becomes an important social problem. In the next part, concepts of absolute, relative and subjective poverty are defined. This is followed by an overview of the results of research into the extent of absolute and relative poverty in Croatian society conducted from 1998 to 2009. The results show that the rate of relative poverty basically remained the same throughout the above-mentioned period. Furthermore, it is shown that the risk factors causing citizens' poverty are the following: low level of education, unemployment, low retirement pensions, old age, and large number of children in the family. The author concludes that the Croatian government neither developed nor carried out any systematic and efficient plan of fighting poverty in Croatian society. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of the European immigrant countries towards the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in the individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect these differences in the understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then goes on to deal more specifically with the presence of the Muslim population in West-European countries, the population that - perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" - is torn between the Westeuropean practice of ethnic and increasingly cultural discrimination, and a belief in liberalism and pluralism. ln connection with this, the role of Islam and the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West- European countries is analyzed. (SOI : PM: S. 108)

The author analyses political, philosophical, ethical and legal implications o the trial in which, in August of 1997, some former members of the Politburo of the United Socialist Party of the former Democratic Republic of Germany were sentenced to prison terms after they had been found guilty for the murders committed by the East German border patrols when trying to prevent people from fleeing to the West. The legal grounds for such a sentence is dubious, not only because it runs counter to the ban on the retroactive enforcement of legal provisions but also because it presupposes the universal validity of the western concept of human rights. If the intention was to react legally to what, from the Western point of view were unpardonable acts during the communist reign, then the most prominent representatives of that system should have been - in accordance with wartime law - treated as the enemies defeated in a (cold) war. (SOI : PM: S. 77)

The author publishes an unknown document of Janko Tortic (1902-1962), Croatian Peasant Party member of the parliament. Since 1927 Tortic was the leader of the Intelligence Office of the Main Secretariate of the Croatian Peasant Party and the editor of the Party newspaper. After the putsch of general Simovic he participated in creating the independent Croatian state. During the war he collaborated with the Independent State of Croatia's authorities. Owing to his activity, many followers of the Croatian Peasant Party joined the Ustasha movement, and Tortic himself became a member of the government. After World War Two he emigrated to the USA, where he died. Tortic's document is important for the research work on the activity of the Croatian Peasant Party, especially the events which occurred immediately before the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The document is provided with an introduction and notes. (SOI : CSP: S. 367)

Predmet istraživanja u ovoj disertaciji je plaćena komunikacija na televiziji u parlamentarnim izbornim kampanjama u Srbiji posle 2000. godine. Disertacija pronalazi svoje ishodište u teoriji okvira i socijalnom konstruktivizmu što je inherentno utemeljenje ove teorije. Koristili smo tri metodološka pristupa: (1) kvalitativnu analizu sadržaja u političkom izbornom oglašavanju, (2) analizu okvira i (3) dubinske intervjue sa političkim konsultantima i članovima izbornih štabova. U disertaciji su korišćeni brojni izvori sekundarnih podataka. Period istraživanja je obuhvatio period posle 2000. godine, sve parlamentarne izbore na uzorku onih subjekata koji su prešli cenzus. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da posle 2000. dolazi do krupnih promena u političkoj komunikaciji. Političko oglašavanje dobija važnu ulogu u kampanjama, produkcija je ogromna a ulaganja izbornih učesnika drastično uvećana u odnosu na period pre 2000. godine. Političko oglašavanje je gotovo po pravilu služilo za ubeđivanje a malo ili nimalo za informisanje. U disertaciji je autor jasno potvrdio da izloženost političkom oglašavanju i okvirima u njima osnažuje uticaj na biračeve preferencije odnosno na njihovu izbornu odluku. Autor je ukazao i potvrdio sužavanje saznajne odnosno edukativne komponente u kampanjama koja je limitirala kvalitetno informisanu izbornu odluku za većinu birača. Disertacija nije potvrdila da je oglašavanje preuzelo primat nad informativom, već da je kombinacija ogromne produkcije (posebno između 2007 i 2012) i zavisnosti redakcija od "stranačkih kamera", ugrozila pravo birača na kvalitetno informisanu izbornu odluku. Autor je delimično potvrdio da teme koje se pokreću u plaćenom oglašavanju nisu programski usmerene i da se više koriste u cilju ojačavanja imidža kandidata/lidera, a ne promocije javnih politika. ; This thesis examines paid political communication broadcast on television in Serbian parliamentary election campaigns after the year 2000. The thesis is rooted in framing theory and social constructivism, the broader underpinning of this concept. Three methodological approaches were employed: (1) qualitative analysis of the content of political election advertising since 2000; (2) frame analysis; and (3) in-depth interviews with political consultants and campaign managers. The thesis has also relied on numerous secondary sources. For all parliamentary elections after 2000, the paper looks at advertising by political subjects that won sufficient votes to cross the five percent threshold required to enter parliament. The findings show that the year 2000 was a watershed for political communication, with political advertising assuming an important role in election campaigns; political entities dramatically increased their investment, which made the volume of adverts produced grow by an order of magnitude. A major finding of the thesis is that political advertising has nearly always been deployed to persuade, with little or no thought being given to its informative function. The author clearly confirms that exposure to political advertising and the frames contained in it has had a substantial impact on voters' preferences and affected their voting decisions. The author also identifies and confirms how the narrowing of the knowledge or educational component in campaign messaging has restricted the ability of most voters to make informed voting choices. The thesis has not shown that advertising has supplanted news, but rather that the combination of the flood of advertising (especially from 2007 to 2012) and the dependence of television channels on content fed to them by political parties has jeopardised the right of voters to make informed choices. The author has partially confirmed that topics raised in paid advertising are not issue-oriented, but image-oriented, aiming to enhance the public perception of a particular candidate or leader rather than promote policies put forward in political manifestos.

The author looks into the concept of the "smal1 nation" and whether it is high time for its scientific or linguistic revision. If "small nations" are a qualitative category, why define them quantitatively as "small"? Small nations gained independence in two waves: between the German-French war (1870-1871) and the end of World War One, and after the close of the "cold war" in 1990. However, not all small nations gained independence (e.g. Basques, Catalonians, Bretons, etc.). They pose a major challenge for Western Europe. The example of Croatia and its relationship with Serbs serves to illustrate the vacillations in the European ideology and attitudes towards small nations. The pressures exerted on the Croatian state regarding the political attitude of the Croatian people towards small nations did not stem from the logic of globalist economism or neoliberal political doctrine but were the.consequence of the war which the mother country Serbia of the Serbs in Croatia waged with the aim of annexing the territories on which they were a majority population. (SOI : PM: S. 98)

The article deals, at various levels, with the limits and scope of the media activity, on the example of the latest Balkan war. On the theoretical level, there are three basic modalities in political communication: the positive propaganda (the so called carrot system), the negative propaganda (hard propaganda, aimed at destroying the enemy and its institutions) and, finally, the military propaganda with the military action, i.e. the system of communicating with a "stick". All these modes have been used in the war for Kosovo: Serbia had been positively conditioned for at least the entire decade, then a somewhat stricter model of the negative propaganda was used, and when this led nowhere, in 1999, Milosevic felt the full force of the state-of-the-art military equipment and the communication with a "stick". The author concludes that the media are powerful, but not all- powerful i.e. that they are eclipsed by the military communication, wars and victories or defeats. (SOI : S. 119)

R. J. Kvaternik (1799-1851), professor of history at the Kings Academy of Sciences in Zagreb, had a great influence on several generation of Croatian intellectuals through his pedagogic work and his patriotic and liberal views. The Zagreb journal Südslawische Zeitung also reflected liberal and democratic views. The author compares Kvaternik's views, exposed in questions for public examinations in general and Hungarian History (positiones), with those expressed in the journal concerning actual political issues and institutional, economic, and cultural questions. In both cases, there is notable democratic orientation, inclination towards parlamentary system, and the need for education of the people as requirement for a general progress of the country. The ideas of equality, tolerance, and peaceful resolution of issues are fundamental to the views. S. Z. stands steadfastly to its views. The similarities between Kvaternik's views and those of S. Z. suggests that some of Kvaternik's disciples were contributors to the journal. Unfortunately, this remains only a presupposition, because articles in S. Z. were not signed. (SOI : CSP: S. 276)

These assertions are corroborated with the statistical data on the trends in Croatian trade and other economic relations, before and after Croatia's independence. The author also pleads for the necessity of Croatia's economic co-operation with its neighbouring states, in line with its interests - the real measure of the relations among sovereign states. (SOI : PM: S. 54) + The real reasons which run counter to the conclusion that "the Balkan market" is essential for the economic development of Croatia are discussed. The author's thesis is that the Westeuropean market (particularly Italian and German markets) is crucial for Croatia and that it has always been so, even when Croatia was a part of the former Yugoslavia. That is why it is thought that Croatia's acceptance of the American notion of an economic integration of Southeasteuropean states would be detrimental to Croatia. The same applies to the European Union's "regional approach" which links EU's co-operation with Croatia to Croatia's co-operation with the states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia