Suchergebnisse

U članku se razrađuje identitet grada koji je poistovjećen sa sudbinom samoga autora u tijeku najtežega dana napada na grad u Domovinskome ratu. Poistovjećujući se s gradom, on se istodobno pretvara i u središnji lik romana. Riječ je o posve drukčijemu i dosad nepoznatome ratnom pismu u Hrvatskoj jer je djelo posvema okrenuto transcendenciji. U romanu je rat tek sila zla, a ne politički proizvod. Tragičnost rata u Hrvatskoj kao književna tema prikazana je na sveopćoj civilizacijskoj razini kao iskonsko prokletstvo čovječanstva. Grad Zadar, smješten na obalama Sredozemlja, svojom povijesti i baštinom koja se razara preuzima na se ulogu Čovjekova glasnogovornika. Kada se ruši grad kao sveti prostor, čovjek gubi svoj vlastiti identitet. Povratak identiteta moguć je samo na simboličkoj i metafizičkoj razini pa roman obiluje simboličkim i arhetipskim slojevima i motivima. ; The article elaborates an identity of the city which is identified with the author's destiny during the hardest day of attacking the city in the Croatian War of Independence. Identifying himself with the city, at the same time he turns himself in the main novel protagonist. That is a completely different and so far unknown war letter in Croatia, because the work is completely turned to transcendence. In the novel the war is the evil force and not political product. Tragicalness of the war in Croatia as the literary topic is shown at the general civilization level as a true human damnation. City of Zadar, located at the Mediterranean coasts, with his history and destroying heritage takes over the role of human spokesperson. When a city as the holy area is destroyed, a human loses his/her own identity. Return of identity is possible only at the symbolic and metaphysic level, therefore the novel is full of symbolic and archetype motives.

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

Using the available literature, press articles, and archival material, the author analyses the relationship of a Croatian cultural association, the Society of Brethren of the Croatian Dragon (SBCD), towards World War I heritage. This analysis includes the period from the beginning of World War I to the end of World War II. Since he considers the SBCD a representative Croatian cultural association in this period, the author believes that its relationship towards World War I heritage may be an indicator of the relationship of the Croatian public in general towards this war. During his research, the author noticed that this association was significantly active in all efforts whose goal was to preserve the memory of this war for future generations. After the end of World War I and the creation of the Yugoslav state, this activity almost completely ceased, and the situation did not change after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The author considers that there were multiple reasons for this lack of interest in World War I heritage. Firstly, the participation of Croats in the armed forces of Austria-Hungary, which was an enemy of Serbia, was politically problematic topic in the new state and therefore avoided, especially since the new state was dominated by Serbs and built on Serbian victory culture. The political circumstances were also important in this context. If this society fostered 'soft' Croatness until the mid-1930s, striving to find a compromise between preserving Croatian national identity and respecting the Yugoslav state framework, how can one explain that the relationship of the society towards World War I remained unchanged since the mid-1930s, when a more combative Croatian spirit had spread through the society, and especially during the Independent State of Croatia? In his answer to this question, the author proposes that the symbolism of World War I, in which Croats fought on the side of Austria-Hungary—a state that was seen as a foreign entity—did not have the capacity to support ...

Autor se u radu bavi teorijom isprekidane ravnoteže i njezinom operacionalizacijom. Isprekidana ravnoteža opisuje proces stvaranja javnih politika u vidu dugih perioda stabilnosti politika i njezinih radikalnih promjena koje se doga- đaju naglo. S obzirom na složenost i nadograđivanje same teorije, autor je u radu želi operacionalizirati u vidu ključnih pojmova te njihovih pokazatelja. Sukladno tome autor u prvom dijelu rada rastavlja teoriju na manje pojmove koje potom definira i uvrštava u kontekst teorije. Nakon toga u drugom dijelu istražuje koliko su pojmovi proizašli iz operacionalizacije integrirani u dosadašnjim istraživanjima teorije. Na temelju rezultata i rasprave naposljetku prikazuje potencijalne pokazatelje tih pojmova slijedeći načelo metodološkog pluralizma. U zaključku se iznosi stajalište da je ta operacionalizacija dala inovativan pogled na samu teoriju, ali i na istraživanje isprekidane ravnoteže u javnim politikama koje je do sada bilo dominantno kvantitativno. ; In this paper, the author deals with the punctuated equilibrium theory and its operationalization. The punctuated equilibrium theory describes the policy-making process in terms of long periods of policy stability and its radical change that occurs suddenly. Given the complexity and upgrading of the theory, in this paper the author seeks to operationalize it in the form of key terms and their indicators. Accordingly, in the first part of the paper the author dissects theory into many key terms, which he defines and sets them in the context of theory. After that, in the second part of the paper, the author examines how terms arising from operationalization have been so far integrated into the research of the punctuated equilibrium theory. Based on results and discussion, in the end the author displays the potential indicators of key terms following the principle of methodological pluralism. He conludes that this operationalization gives an innovative look at theory, but also in terms of researching punctuated equilibrium in public policies which has been predominantly quantitative.

Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

Ovaj rad polazi od manjkave osmišljenosli uloge suvremene demokratske države sa željom da nastavi diskusiju o demokratskoj državi kao jednom idealu koji u potpunosti još nigdje nije do kraja realiziran. Autor kritizira neprikladan odnos prema državi koji je pod okriljem Marxove teorije razvijan u jednom duljem razdoblju kod nas. Ljudima koji bi htjeli olako ukinuti državu, ili je svesti na samo jednu dimenziju, po autorovu mišljenju, treba stalno obraćati pažnju na činjenicu da je život u čitavoj ovoj našoj civilizaciji vezan uz cjeline koje traže neprekidno rješavanje određenih zadataka. Država prema tome nije po sebi loša, već je loša samo u slučaju ako djeluje protivno javnim interesima. U suvremenosti je posebno interesantna uloga države u rješavanju ekološke problematike, što autor ističe kao primjer potrebe razumijevanja države kao regulator zajedničkih poslova. Po autorovom mišljenju država kao regulator zajedničkih poslova ima još mnogo zadataka i treba je stalno usavršavati i osposobljavati da ih izvrši na najbolji način. ; Having in mind a deficiently elaborated role of the contemporary democratic state, in this paper the author attempts to continue the discussion about the democratic stale as an ideal not yet fully realized anywhere. The author criticizes the inadequate relationship towards the state, developing in Yugoslavia for a long lime, under the wing of Marx's theory. According to the author those who wish to easily abolish the stale or reduce it to only on only one dimension must be constantly warned of the fact that life in our entire civilization is linked to issues requiring incessant settling. Therefore, the state is not bad in itself but only when acting against public interests. Today, an especially interesting role of the state is in solving environmental problems, which the author stresses as an example of the need to look upon the slate as a regulator of communal affairs. According to the author, the state as regulator of communal affairs has many other tasks to fulfill and should be constantly perfected as well as enabled to carry out those tasks in the best way.

U ovoj se studiji analizuju normativni učinci odnosa konstitutivne moći i konstitucionalnog identiteta u osnivačkim ustavima. Uvodni deo naglašava centralnost ustava u procesu normativne integracije postkomunističkih poredaka, a u drugom delu analizuju se konkurirajući konstrukti "konstitutivne moći" u procesu izgradnje moderne evropske države. Treći deo je oslonjen na teorijsku i normativnu mapu prof. Ivana Prpića, i u njemu se analizuju strukturni deficiti osnivačkih ustava i osobita forma napetosti između "konstitutivne moći" i konstitucionalnog identiteta. Argumentira se da ova strukturna napetost proizvodi podjednako liberalne i demokratske deficite ovih poredaka. ; The author analyses the normative consequences of the relationship between constituent power and constitutional identity in founding constitutions. In the first part of the article, the author points to the centrality of the constitution in the normative integration process of post-communist regimes, while in the second part he analyzes competing constructs of 'constituent power' in the modern state building processes in Europe. In the third part the author uses the normative theoretical map of professor Ivan Prpić to analyze the structural deficits of post-communist founding constitutions and the specific form of tension between 'constituent power' and constitutional identity. The argument is that this tension can produce both democratic and liberal deficits of these regimes.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Autor razmatra promjenu uloge parlamentarizma u modernim demokratskim državama. Oslanjajući se na stavove Carla Schmitta razlaže tezu da je parlament kao politička institucija u krizi jer se odluke u njemu ne donose na temelju boljih argumenata, nego na temelju volje vladajuće stranke ili koalicije stranaka. Autor stoga smatra da je riječ o krizi parlamentarizma koju, pozivajući se na Schmitta, ocjenjuje kao odbacivanje argumentativne parlamentarne demokracije u ime demokracije koja u svom središtu ima borbu različitih stranačkih interesa. Posljedica toga je, smatra autor, da zastupnici u parlamentu više ne zastupaju narod, nego interese svojih stranaka kojima su izravno odgovorni, što Niklas Luhmann sažima ocjenom da su "stranke razvlastile svoje zastupnike". U drugom dijelu članka autor razmatra transformaciju zakonodavne funkcije parlamenta. Pritom slijedi normativni stav da se parlament mora vratiti u okvire svoje političke funkcije i preispitati svoje mjesto ekskluzivnog zakonodavca. Problem je u tome, smatra autor, što ga zakonodavni monopol autoimunizira od izvanparlamentarnih i pravosudnih zakonodavnih inicijativa. ; The author deals with the transformation of the role of parliamentarism in modern democratic countries. Drawing on the views of Carl Schmitt, the author argues that the parliament as a political institution is in a crisis because its decisions are based on the will of the party or coalition in power rather than on the most pertinent arguments. Therefore, the author suggests that there is a crisis of parliamentarism, which he, referring to Schmitt, assesses as a rejection of argumentative parliamentary democracy to the advantage of a democracy characterised by a confl ict of various party interests. According to the author, this implies that parliament members represent the interests of their parties, to which they are directly responsible, and no longer the people, as summarised by Niklas Luhmann's assessment that "parties have disempowered their members of parliament". In the second part of ...

Autor u radu preispituje temeljne koncepte klasičnih teorija političkog odlučivanja i njihove usporedbe s donošenjem odluka tijekom rata. Obrađuju se dvije pionirske teorije političkog odlučivanja: ograničena racionalnost i inkrementalizam. Sukladno tome, autor prvo izlaže teorijski okvir u kojem opisuje prethodno navedene teorije te iznosi njihove temeljne koncepte. Potom se autor bavi vanjskom i obrambenom politikom te odlučivanjem u ratu, s fokusom na temeljne postulate rata Carla von Clausewitza. Nakon toga autor daje raspravu u kojoj preispituje sličnosti koncepata klasičnih teorija odlučivanja s temeljnim postulatima rata. U zaključku autor iznosi stajalište da se koncepti ograničene racionalnosti više podudaraju s postulatima rata nego inkrementalizam. ; The author of the paper examines the fundamental concepts of classical theories of political decision-making and comparisons with decision-making during wartime. Two theories at the forefront are examined: bounded rationality and incrementalism. In accordance with that, a theoretical construct is first conveyed and used to describe the aforementioned theories, as well as their fundamental concepts. Then, the author moves onto foreign and defense policy, as well as decision-making during wartime, focusing on Carl von Clausewitz's key postulates of war. This is followed by a discussion about the similarities between the classical concepts of decision-making and the basic postulates of war. To conclude, the author expresses the standpoint that the concepts of bounded rationality are more in keeping with the postulates of war than is the case with incrementalism.

Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

Članak propituje doprinos hrvatske politologije razvoju demokracije u Hrvatskoj. Fokus analize je pojam kulture o kojem autor govori u pet koraka. U prvom koraku je određena u modernom ključu, u drugom kao različita od prirode, a u trećemu kao različita od društva. U četvrtom se unutar politike razlikuje politička kultura od političke ekonomije i političkih ustanova, no u petom se pokazuje da je kultura nosivi dio politike i kao politics i kao policy i kao polity. Na temelju tih odredaba pokazuje se da je matica hrvatske politologije zaokupljena pretežito i u sve većoj mjeri izučavanjem upravo predmeta koji na prvi pogled pripadaju politici kao kulturi, i to u užem smislu političke kulture, te da se ona sama reproducira kao politička kultura. ; The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.

Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.