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"This conceptually synthetic and empirically rich book demonstrates the vulnerability of democratic settings to authoritarianism and populism. Six scholars from various professional fields explore here the metamorphosis of a political party into a centralized authoritarian system. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party needed less than ten years to accomplish this transformation in Hungary. In 2010, after winning a majority that could make changes in the constitution - two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, they evolved and stabilized the system, which produced again the two-thirds majority in 2014 and 2018. The authors reveal how a democratic setting can be used as a device for political capture. They show how a political entity managed to penetrate almost all sub-fields of the economy to arrive at institutionalized corruption, and how the centralized power structure reproduces itself. With the help of a powerful empirical apparatus-among others analyses of more than 220,000 public tenders, redistributions of state subsidies, and the interconnectedness of those privileged with the political elite - the authors detail the functioning of a crony system and the network aspects of political connections in the rapid enrichment of politically-linked businesses. Their studies demonstrate the role of political capture in this redistribution and how this capture leads to a new social stratification"--

Cover -- Front matter -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part I Metamorphosis of a Party into a System -- Chapter 1 Paths to Political Capture and Institutionalized Corruption in Hungary, 2010-2021 -- System Evolutions in Comparative Perspective -- Political-Economic Context of Systemic Evolution -- From Political Dominance to Political Capture -- Diffusion of Political Capture into Autonomous National, Local, and Grassroots Institutions -- Expansion of Forced Resource Redeployment Through the Diffusing Channels of Political Capture -- Diffusing Channels as Avenues of Institutionalized Corruption Using Forced Resource Redeployment -- The Political-Economic Elite Nested in the Network of Institutionalized Corruption -- Domestic and External Factors Fueling Persistent Systemic Evolution and Self-Reproduction -- Conclusions -- Part II Reproduction Through Redistribution -- Chapter 2 Redistribution and Integration -- Introduction -- Welfare Redistribution, Social Integration, and Inequalities -- Project-Based Redistribution -- Recombinant Redistribution -- Conclusions -- Chapter 3 Cronyism in the Orbán Regime: An Empirical Analysis of Public Tenders, 2005-2021 -- Introduction -- Literature -- Data and Indicators -- The Orbán Regime and MGTS+ Companies: Descriptive Statistics -- Models and Estimations -- Conclusions -- Annex 3.1 -- Annex 3.2 -- Chapter 4 Political Connectedness under Fidesz Governments and the Case of Mészáros Group of Companies -- Introduction -- Methodology: Data Collection and Processing -- Fidesz-Connected Entrepreneurs on the List of the 100 Wealthiest Hungarians -- Regulatory and Procurement Advantages or Favors -- Lőrinc Mészáros: Family and Business -- Summary and Open Questions -- Appendix -- Summary -- List of Authors.

Crisis of housing and urban planning under the Second Empire and the Third Republic -- Authoritarian programs of urban planning under the Vichy regime -- Reconstruction and urban planning under the provisional government and the Fourth Republic -- From reconstruction to new construction : overcoming the postwar housing crisis -- The evolution of theories of democratization : the work of Paul-Henry Chombart de Lauwe -- From propaganda to participation : the evolution of the marketing strategies of the Ministry of Reconstruction -- The democratization of architectural and urban planning under the Gaullist Republic

This work focuses on a contextualized understanding of 'autocratic authoritarianism' in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy and teleological democratization assumptions but instead on its own merits as a Tunisian civilian dictatorship (1957–2010). This latter is reminiscent of French colonial authoritarianism (1881–1956) and traditional beylic monarchic absolutism (1705–1957). For more than half a century, the Tunisian autocratic political system functioned as state-manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a presidential hegemonic ruling party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient oppressive elites. The diachronic survey of Tunisia's political system encompasses the early years of autocracy, under the autocratic rule of the first president of the Republic Bourguiba, 1957–87, as well as the various stages of its consolidation into a police-security state with the second autocrat-President, Ben Ali, 1987–2011. This study also explores the reasons behind the durability of the ruling authoritarian-autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping state-society relations under the first and second president and left an indelible mark on the Tunisian polity beyond the 2010 'popular uprisings'. Therefore, the question is how, throughout the 2010 'Jasmine Revolution', anti-democratic forces mutated in Tunisian politics in such a way that the end of 'autocracy', brought about by people's uprisings, did not translate into social transformations, economic gains and 'popular sovereignty'? Put more bluntly, why does the 'revolution' remain 'unfinished' and the transition 'endless' or 'blocked'?

In fast jedem autoritär regierten Staat werden von den Machthabern Maßnahmen wie Repressalien und Strafen ergriffen, die die erwünschten Verhaltensweisen der Menschen erzwingen und diese dazu bringen sollen, sich einer bestimmten Ideologie unterzuordnen. Die Kunst ist ein besonders empfindlicher Bereich des öffentlichen Lebens und entzieht sich zumindest teilweise diesen Methoden. Eine Kontrolle über die Künstler und ihr Schaffen erfordert seitens der Staatsgewalt deshalb meistens ein subtileres Instrumentarium. Aber auch andere, "weiche" Faktoren haben einen Einfluss auf das politische Verhalten der Künstler und die Gestaltung der Kunstinhalte. ; The paper is devoted to the mechanisms of control over the literary milieu in the authoritarian system, shown on the example of the GDR. Firstly, the political framework of the conditions that the GDR-writers created their works and were politically active in is presented, as well as the outline of measures that were applied by the authorities towards the writers. Then the impact that the generational aspect had over the political "self-control" of the writers is presented. At last, the direct influence of such measures like prizes, punishments and repressions is discussed.