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Recent scholarship has increasingly focused on the international dimensions of authoritarian rule, and the idea of autocracy promotion has gained considerable academic currency. While the literature on autocracy promotion has identified some clear patterns of external support for autocratic incumbents, it has so far failed to demonstrate that these efforts can best be understood as a unified, coherent set of foreign policies that constitute intentional efforts to promote a particular regime type abroad. This article identifies the key deficiencies of existing treatments of the concept and identifies a roadmap to establish some conceptual clarity on the topic. It advances a "strict" definition of autocracy promotion that requires a clear intent on the part of an external actor to bolster autocracy as a form of political regime as well as an underlying motivation that rests in significant part on an ideological commitment to autocracy itself. It also introduces a new typology that places autocracy promotion within the wider context of the international politics of authoritarian rule.

In this article, I provide a survey of the recent and rapidly growing theoretical and empirical literature on autocracy promotion. In a relatively concise way, the reader is able to grasp all key concepts and related aspects on the topic. This article is a guide for all those aiming to begin their journey in the scholarly land of autocracy promotion, trying to stimulate these travelers in exploring off-beaten research avenues.

Abstract: As the international balance of power has shifted away from established democracies, autocrats have begun to assert themselves on the world stage. Once the passive targets of democracy promotion, dictators now actively defend their power abroad, often seeking to undermine democracy in the process. Such deliberate efforts to promote authoritarian rule present a potentially serious threat to democracy in the world today. Yet a closer examination of the actual impact of "autocracy promotion" suggests that it so far presents a less serious challenge than is often assumed. The influence of autocracy promotion is limited, above all, by the fact that authoritarian powers tend to be concerned less with promoting authoritarianism as such than with furthering their own countries' more narrow economic and geopolitical interests. As a result, authoritarian interventions often have contradictory effects and may in some cases even foster greater pluralism .

Venezuela provides a strong test case for the weakening of democracy and the strengthening of autocracy promotion. External actors are a key part of the domestic political game: the European Union and the United States (EUUS) promote 'democracy by coercion' and recognised Juan Guaidó as president, whereas China, Cuba and Russia (CCR) bolster the regime of Nicolás Maduro. A comparative foreign policy analysis argues that, firstly, EUUS sanctions have resulted in strengthening CCR's autocratic leverage and linkage; and secondly, the division 'between the West and the Rest' has posed an additional obstacle for a transition to democracy and national reconstruction

Venezuela provides a strong test case for the weakening of democracy and the strengthening of autocracy promotion. External actors are a key part of the domestic political game: the European Union and the United States (EUUS) promote 'democracy by coercion' and recognised Juan Guaidó as president, whereas China, Cuba and Russia (CCR) bolster the regime of Nicolás Maduro. A comparative foreign policy analysis argues that, firstly, EUUS sanctions have resulted in strengthening CCR's autocratic leverage and linkage; and secondly, the division 'between the West and the Rest' has posed an additional obstacle for a transition to democracy and national reconstruction.

AbstractIn recent years, observers have raised concerns about threats to democracy posed by external support for authoritarianism coming from regional powers such as Russia, China and Venezuela. This article assesses the efficacy of autocracy promotion through a close examination of Russian efforts to shape regime outcomes in the former Soviet Union. It finds that while Russian actions have periodically promoted instability and secessionist conflict, there is little evidence that such intervention has made post‐Soviet countries less democratic than they would have been otherwise. First, the Russian government has been inconsistent in its support for autocracy – supporting opposition and greater pluralism in countries where anti‐Russian governments are in power, and incumbent autocrats in cases where pro‐Russian politicians dominate. At the same time, the Russian government's narrow concentration on its own economic and geopolitical interests has significantly limited the country's influence, fostering a strong counter‐reaction in countries with strong anti‐Russian national identities. Finally, Russia's impact on democracy in the region has been restricted by the fact that post‐Soviet countries already have weak democratic prerequisites. This analysis suggests that, despite increasingly aggressive foreign policies by autocratic regional powers, autocracy promotion does not present a particularly serious threat to democracy in the world today.

President Hugo Chávez strove to change the socio‐political and economic system of his country, Venezuela. His revolutionary mission implied a strong regional projection and was intended to disseminate his transformative project in the wider region. This article focuses on the outward‐directed efforts of Chávez to shape his regional environment and examines the active and intended promotion of the Chavista model. The analysis shows that Chávez's mission was guided by four objectives: gaining ideological protagonism, facilitating the installation of like‐minded leaders, bolstering their persistence in power, and exporting his 'alternative' model of rule.