Suchergebnisse

The critical lesson was concerned with "oppository dualities ", as it represents a basic theme of poetic discourse as a linguistic system that is in direct contact with the recipient. The critics turned to the analysis of these antitheses, and their views differed on the methodological level and visions in this, so the subject of my study came; To monitor the poetic share of these dualities in Ibn Nabatah's Egyptian poetry , observing the evolutionary stages of the poet's poetic language through its evolutionary stages. Because his youth stage represented the real beginning of the poetic experience; What followed later in the developmental artistic stages were reflected in the characteristics of his poetic language. We have been tempted to research opposing dualities because of the richness of this topic due to the controversy and fervor that exists in defining the poetry of opposing dualities in poetry. It is a thorny concept, because it is related to various knowledge and aspects of human life. Each poet has his own concept and position, which differs a lot, or a little from other poets, towards life, the universe, and human issues . In fact, each poem is different from the other in the same poet. Hence, the concept of the poetics of opposite dualities in poetry remains a relative concept different from different literary and critical premises and perceptions, some of them know it from its semantic, verbal, intellectual, psychological, structural, and so on source . Proceeding from the foregoing, we first tried to define the title of the research accurately. It is well known that each era has its own temporal specificity that is loaded with features that are specific to it and are unique to it through relations: " religious, Social, cultural, political. " Therefore, we chose Ibn Nabatah's Egyptian poetry because it falls under the roof of the Ayyubid state and represents a type of literature in a close period of time and a spatial area of its product, which falls within the limits set for research, as the data ...

Since the very early stages of Arabic historiography in the ninth century, the Kurds have been mentioned by several authors. According to the texts, these populations, described as being fierce and rough, lived in the mountainous regions of the Middle East from Fârs to the Taurus. The area or field of action crossed by the Kurdish tribes is an always shifting tribal and political space, not an area over which military domination or political sovereignty is necessarily applied. During the twelfth century, Arabic literary sources seem to describe a reduction of what might be called the "tribal territory of the Kurds". This phenomenon follows a political reshuffling born of Turkmen infiltrations and the counter-crusades led by the Zankid rulers resulting in the emergence of the Ayyubid dynasty. During the Mamluk era, Mongols and Mamluks battled with each other, with the "tribal territory of the Kurds" lying at the boundary of these two entities. This paper will address the problems posed by the textual approach. I will recall the polysemy implied by the word "Kurd" and discuss the question of Kurdish "ethnicity" during the Middle Ages, the criteria for it, and the manifestation of the sense of group belonging. The use made of the words bilâd al-akrâd and zûzân al-akrâd in Arabic medieval literary sources will be analysed. Which space do they designate? What do they imply? I will argue that these designations are not an administrative or a literary abstraction. I will also address another problem: the separation between Zagrosian and Ciszagrosian Kurdish tribal territory that appears in the texts. I will then describe the territorial dynamics and the spatial reorderings of the regions inhabited by the Kurds from the 11th to the 14th century, drawing a map of the Kurdish settlements or nomadic spaces and showing the changes inside a broader social and political configuration. Thanks to al-'Umarî's Masâlik al-Absar which lists many Kurdish tribes, I will discuss the anchoring of these populations and the rebirth of a ...

Sultan Alâeddin Keykubad, yaklaşık on sekiz sene süren saltanatı boyunca her alanda istikrarlı bir politika takip etmiştir. Dış politikada da akılcı, uzlaşmacı ve ileri görüşlü bir siyaset izleyen Alâeddin Keykubad, bu sayede Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti'ni siyasi, ticari ve kültürel bir güç haline getirmeyi başarmıştır. Alâeddin Keykubad, ülkesinin bağımsız bir şekilde mevcudiyetini devam ettirebilmesi için Anadolu'dan geçen uluslararası ticaret yollarının gelirinden maksimum seviyede pay almak istemiş, dış siyasetini de bu temel üzerine oturtmuştur. Nitekim, tahta çıktıktan hemen sonra Avrupa ülkelerine karşı Venedik Dukalığına bazı ticari ayrıcalıklar veren bir anlaşma imzalamış; bu anlaşmadan kısa bir süre sonra da ilk seferini önemli bir liman şehri olan Alâiye üzerine düzenlemiştir. Alâeddin Keykubad, komşu devletlerle olan münasebetlerinde gereksiz risklerden kaçınmış ve otoritesini sarsacak düzeyde olmadıkça anlaşmazlıkları barış yolu ile çözmüştür. Zira, Moğollara, Eyyubilere ve Celâleddin Harezmşah'a karşı izlediği bu siyaset sayesinde, hem ülkesini olası bir yıkımdan korumuş, hem de herhangi bir istila hareketine karşı zaman kazanıp, önlemlerini almıştır. Ancak, son bağımsız Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti hükümdarı Alâeddin Keykubad'ın ölümünden sonra, onun izlediği başarılı siyaset halefleri tarafından devam ettirilemeyince, Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti Moğolların hâkimiyetine girmiştir. ; Sultan Alaeddin Keykubad has followed a stable policy in all areas throughout his eighteen year reign. In foreign policy, rational, conciliatory and forward-thinking policy followed Alaeddin Keykubad, the Seljuk Empire in Turkey whereby the political, commercial and cultural succeeded in bringing into force. Alâeddin Keykubad wanted to get the maximum share of the international trade routes passing through Anatolia in order to maintain his country's independent existence and he built his foreign policy on this basis. As a matter of fact, he immediately signed an agreement including some commercial privileges against the European countries, with the Duchy of Venice ; shortly after this agreement , he organized his first voyage to the Alâiye,which was an important port city. Alaeddin Keykubad avoided unnecessary risks in his relations with neighboring states and resolved disputes peacefully, unless he was at a level to shake up his authority. Because of this policy which he followed against the Mongols, Ayyubids and Jalaleddin Harezmshah, not only he protected his country from possible destruction but also gained time and measures against any invasion movement. However, Alaeddin Keykubat's death last independent ruler of Turkey Seljuk State, by successfully continued by his successors follow politics, Turkey Seljuk State has entered of the the Mongol domination.

Since the very early stages of Arabic historiography in the ninth century, the Kurds have been mentioned by several authors. According to the texts, these populations, described as being fierce and rough, lived in the mountainous regions of the Middle East from Fârs to the Taurus. The area or field of action crossed by the Kurdish tribes is an always shifting tribal and political space, not an area over which military domination or political sovereignty is necessarily applied. During the twelfth century, Arabic literary sources seem to describe a reduction of what might be called the "tribal territory of the Kurds". This phenomenon follows a political reshuffling born of Turkmen infiltrations and the counter-crusades led by the Zankid rulers resulting in the emergence of the Ayyubid dynasty. During the Mamluk era, Mongols and Mamluks battled with each other, with the "tribal territory of the Kurds" lying at the boundary of these two entities. This paper will address the problems posed by the textual approach. I will recall the polysemy implied by the word "Kurd" and discuss the question of Kurdish "ethnicity" during the Middle Ages, the criteria for it, and the manifestation of the sense of group belonging. The use made of the words bilâd al-akrâd and zûzân al-akrâd in Arabic medieval literary sources will be analysed. Which space do they designate? What do they imply? I will argue that these designations are not an administrative or a literary abstraction. I will also address another problem: the separation between Zagrosian and Ciszagrosian Kurdish tribal territory that appears in the texts. I will then describe the territorial dynamics and the spatial reorderings of the regions inhabited by the Kurds from the 11th to the 14th century, drawing a map of the Kurdish settlements or nomadic spaces and showing the changes inside a broader social and political configuration. Thanks to al-'Umarî's Masâlik al-Absar which lists many Kurdish tribes, I will discuss the anchoring of these populations and the rebirth of a tribal political anchoring in these regions during the Mamluk period. Lastly, I will try to embrace the subjective dimension of the attachment of the Kurds to a specific territory. Is there evidence of a sense of belonging to this territory? What is the link between the latter and the Kurds in Syria and Egypt?

Das Buch Futūḥ aš-Šām, das üblicherweise in der Wissenschaft dem bekannten Historiker des 8. und Anfang des 9. Jh. Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-Wāqidī (g. 207/823) zugeschrieben wird, gilt seit zwei Jahrhunderten als ein gefälschtes Buch, das in einer späteren Zeit (Zeit der Kreuzzüge) verfasst und al-Wāqidī zugeschrieben wurde. Es wurde in dieser Dissertation anhand der Ergebnisse der Untersuchung der Struktur, des Inhalts und der Isnāde des Futūḥ aš-Šām die These aufstellt, dass dieses Werk im Kern das ursprüngliche Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs ist, das nach dessen Lebenszeit eine Veränderung seiner Form und seines Inhalts erlebt hat. Im Folgenden werden die Ergebnisse sowie die Thesen der Arbeit vorgestellt: Es wurde durch die Analyse der Struktur des Futūḥ aš-Šām gezeigt, dass das Narrativ dieses Werkes ein homogenes Narrativ ist, das eine lückenfreie Struktur aufzeigt. Deswegen scheint die vorgenommene Veränderung eine systematische Redaktion des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām gewesen zu sein. Diese Redaktionsarbeit besteht scheinbar aus den zwei folgenden Änderungen: Erstens: Die Berichte des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs wurden zusammengelegt und seine Isnāde wurden verkürzt bzw. gelöscht, um eine im größeren Maße ununterbrochene fließende Berichtserstattung in Form einer Erzählung herzustellen; Zweitens: religiöse Details und Elemente wurden zum Narrativ des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām hinzugefügt, anscheinend um die Rolle der Religion zu verstärken, ein idealisiertes Bild des Islams und der Muslime aus der Zeit der Eroberungen zu vermitteln und den Islam gegenüber dem Christentum zu verherrlichen. Zu der Frage nach der Verfassungszeit wurde festgestellt, dass diese Redaktion vermutlich zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh. vorgenommen wurde, denn zum einen sind direkte Zitate aus dem ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām in Ibn ʿAsākirs Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq nachzuweisen, die formale und zum Teil inhaltliche Unterschiede zum al-Wāqidī zugeschriebenen Futūḥ aš-Šām aufzeigen. Das bedeutet, dass zur Lebenszeit Ibn ʿAsākirs (499/1106–571/1175) das ursprüngliche Futūḥ aš-Šām vorhanden war und immer noch seine ursprüngliche Form und Inhalt hatte. Zum anderen ist die älteste bekannte Handschrift des Futūḥ aš-Šām (Saray Ahmet III 2886), d. h. die älteste bekannte Version dieses Werkes, im Jahr 678/1279 verfasst worden. So wurde für den Zeitraum zwischen dem 12 und 13. Jh. als Entstehungszeit des Futūḥ aš-Šām argumentiert. Ein weiteres Indiz für diese These war, dass die angeblichen direkten Zitate aus dem ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām aus dem 14 Jh. eine sehr deutliche Ähnlichkeit mit dem Inhalt des Futūḥ aš-Šām aufzeigen, während die Zitate Ibn ʿAsākirs aus dem 12. Jh. nur gewisse inhaltliche Ähnlichkeit mit dem Inhalt dieses Werkes nachweisen. Zur Frage nach der Authentizität des Futūḥ aš-Šām wurde festgestellt, dass aufgrund der Hinzufügung von Inhalten im Redaktionsprozess nicht alle Inhalte dieses Werks al-Wāqidī zugeschrieben werden können. Die vorgeschlagene Zeit zur Verfassung des Futūḥ aš-Šām (zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh.) fällt in die Zeit der Kreuzzüge im Nahen Osten. Es ist in der Forschung zum Futūḥ aš-Šām bereits gezeigt worden, dass einige in diesem Werk auftauchende Begriffe aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge stammen können (wie z. B. afranǧ und al-muḥammadīyūn). Aus diesem Grund ist es vorstellbar, dass dieses Werk beim Redaktionsprozess Inhalte aus dieser Zeit übernommen habe. Es sieht so aus, dass vor allem die Betonung der religiösen Elemente, die auf die Verherrlichung des Islam gegenüber dem Christentum abzielen, zum Teil aus dieser Zeit stammt. Deswegen könnte man die These aufstellen, dass diese Redaktion hauptsächlich aus religiösen Gründen vorgenommen worden ist. Darüber hinaus, da im Futūḥ aš-Šām eine Neigung zur Herstellung einer fließenden und lückenlosen Erzählung beobachtet werden kann, sieht es so aus, dass man diese Redaktion ursprünglich als eine Erzählung für ein breiteres Publikum angefertigt hat. Wir wissen, dass bereits im 10 und 11. Jh. futūḥ-Werke (angeblich in den arabischsprachigen Regionen der islamischen Welt) einem breiteren Publikum vorgelesen wurden. Aus diesem Grund ist es durchaus vorstellbar, dass diese Redaktion vorgenommen wurde, um einem breiteren muslimischen Publikum während der Kreuzzüge die Superiorität ihrer Religion einzuprägen. Bezüglich der Frage, wo das Futūḥ aš-Šām redigiert worden sein könnte, gibt der Text keinen Hinweis darauf. Man könnte argumentieren, dass der Redaktionsprozess in einer Region stattgefunden haben müsse, die von den Kreuzzügen betroffen war, weil dieses Werk Hinweise auf diese beinhaltet. Dies könnte entweder Ägypten oder Syrien sein. Zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh. haben die Ayyubiden (reg. 1174-1260) in Ägypten und Syrien regiert, die u. a. von religiösen Gedanken als ein Element zur Vereinigung der muslimischen Welt gegen die Kreuzfahrer profitiert haben. Man könnte also vermuten, dass die Redaktion des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs in diesem Kontext in Auftrag gegeben worden sei, so dass die Leserschaft nicht nur eine politische sondern auch eine religiöse Wahrnehmung von den Kreuzzügen erhält. Darüber hinaus wissen wir, dass gegen Ende des 12. Jh. und in der frühen Ayyubidenzeit eine Wiederbelebung der Geschichtsschreibug beobachtet werden kann, die dann unter den Mamluken weiter fortgesetzt wird. Man könnte die Aussage treffen, dass auch dieser Kontext zur Herstellung von zahlreichen Geschichtswerken zur Rehabilitierung des Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs in Form einer Redaktion dieses Werkes, was uns heute unter dem Namen al-Wāqidī zugeschriebenen Futūḥ aš-Šām vorliegt, beigetragen habe. ; The book Futūḥ al-Shām which is commonly ascribed in the scholarship to the distinguished historian of the 8th and early 9th centuries Muḥammad b. 'Umar al-Wāqidī (d. 207/823), has been considered for more than two centuries as a forged work, which was compiled in a later period (time of the Crusades) and was attributed to al-Wāqidī. Based on the results of an analysis of the structure, the content and the isnāds of the Futūḥ al-Shām, the thesis was suggested in this dissertation, that this work is essentially the original Futūḥ al-Shām of al-Wāqidī, whose form and content, however, was modified after al-Wāqidīs lifetime. In the following the results of the research as well as the theses of the dissertation are presented: By the analysis of the structure of the Futūḥ al-Shām, it was shown that the narrative of this work is a homogeneous narrative, which demonstrates a complete and gap-free structure. Therefore, the undertaken alteration in the original Futūḥ al-Shām seems to have been a systematic editorial work on this work. This redaction consists apparently of the following two types of modifications: firstly, the reports contained in the original Futūḥ al-Šām have been merged and the isnāds have been shortened or deleted, apparently in order to produce a larger uninterrupted fluent narrative than the original narrative of the work; secondly, religious details and elements have been added to the narrative of the original Futūḥ al-Shām, seemingly to enhance the role of religion, to convey an idealized image of Islam and Muslims from the time of the conquests, and to glorify Islam over Christianity. On the question of the time of the editorship, it was proposed that it was probably made between the 12th and 13th centuries, since on the one hand, direct quotations from the original Futūḥ al-Shām in Ibn'Asākirs Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq are in terms of form and to some extent content at difference with relevant places in the present Futūḥ al-Shām attributed to al-Wāqidī. This means that during the lifetime of Ibn 'Asākir (499/1106 - 571/1175) the original Futūḥ al-Shām existed and had still its original form and content. On the other hand, the oldest known manuscript of the present Futūḥ al-Shām (Saray Ahmet III 2886), i. e. the oldest known version of this work, has been written in 678/1279. Hence, it was argued for the period between the 12th and 13th centuries as the date of the development of the present Futūḥ al-Shām. An additional indication which speaks for this thesis was that the alleged direct quotes from the original Futūḥ al-Shām in 14th centry display a clear resemblance to the content of the present Futūḥ al-Shām, while the 12th-century quotes by Ibn'Asākirs show only a certain similarity. Regarding the question of the authenticity of this work, it was suggested that due to the addition of contents in the editorial process, not all of the contents of this work can be attributed to al-Wāqidī. The proposed period for the development of the present Futūḥ al-Shām (between the 12th and 13th centuries) falls into the time of the Crusades in the Middle East. It has already been shown in the scholarship on the present Futūḥ al-Shām that some of the terms appearing in this work can originate from the time of the Crusades (such as "afranj" and "al-muḥammadīyūn"). For this reason it is conceivable that contents from this period was adopted in this work in the editorial process. It seems that, above all, the emphasis on religious elements, which are aimed at the glorification of Islam against Christianity, comes partly from this period. Hence, one could suggest the thesis that this editorial work has had mainly a religious agenda. In addition, since the present Futūḥ al-Shām has a tendency to produce a fluid and complete narrative, it seems that this redaction was made, also to serve as a narrative for a wider Muslim audience. We know that in the 10th and 11th centuries, futuḥ works (supposedly in the Arabic-speaking regions of the Islamic world) were read to a wider audience. Therefore, it is conceivable that this editorial work was done to memorialize the superiority of Islam over Christianity to a wider Muslim audience during the Crusades. Regarding the question, where the present Futūḥ al-Shām was developed, this work provides no clue. It could be argued that the editorial process must have taken place in a region affected by the crusades, since the work contains indications to it. Given its content, it could be either Egypt or Syria. Between the 12th and 13th century, the Ayyubids (reigned 1174-1260) ruled Egypt and Syria and have benefited from religious thoughts as a strong element to unite the Muslim world against the crusaders. It could therefore be assumed that the editor(s) of the original Futūḥ al-Shām were commissioned in this context to undertake the redaction, so that the readership receives not only a political but also a religious perception of the crusades. Moreover, we know that in the late 12th and early Ayyubid periods, a revival of the historical writing can be observed, which then continues under the Mamluks. It could be suggested that this context of the production of numerous historical works also contributed to the rehabilitation of the original Futūḥ al-Shām of al-Wāqidī in the form of a redaction of this work.

AbstractThis paper sets out to reconsider the issue of the Egyptian fallāhs' conditions, by collecting the occurrences of the word fallāh in the administrative writings of the 12th-15th centuries and then rereading them in relation to two documents dating from the beginning of the Ottoman era: the Kānūnnāme-i Mısır (1525) and a partial copy of the 933/1527-1528 cadaster. Al-Maqrīzī asserted that the fallāhs' status had appeared at the beginning of the Ayyubid era, probably with the term itself of fallāh when the iqtā' was instituted in the rural areas; this study confirms his assertion. During the period under study, the word fallāh, used in its administrative meaning, signified the land-tax payer. Each year, the overall village tax was apportioned out between a few individuals who had been chosen according to their ability of relatively large tracts of arable lands. This paper examines three questions: were fallāhūn actually serfs who were bound to the glebe? Did they farm lands on behalf of state? Or did they exploit their own lands and enjoy the status of landowners? By studying the charges and duties weighing on the fallāhūn group, one is led to picture a more complex view of Egyptian rural society as well as of the policies implemented by the state in to ensure its fiscal income through the maintenance of effective land cultivation. Cet article se propose de reprendre la question de la condition des fellahs, en relevant les occurrences du terme fallāh dans la littérature administrative des 12e-15e siècles, et en les relisant à la lumière de deux documents du début de l'époque ottomane: le Kānūnnāme-i Mısır de 1525 et une copie partielle du cadastre de 933/1527-1528. L'étude confirme l'assertion d'al-Maqrīzī selon laquelle la condition du fallāh, et sans doute le terme même, apparurent au début de l'époque ayyoubide, avec l'instauration de l'iqtā' dans les campagnes. Dans son sens administratif, durant la période considérée le fallāh était le contribuable acquittant l'impôt foncier. La charge fiscale globale du village était répartie chaque année entre un petit nombre de personnes, choisies en fonction de leur capacité à mettre en valeur et à exploiter les terres arables, sur des superficies assez importantes. L'article examine trois questions: les fallāhūn étaient-ils des serfs attachés à la glèbe? cultivaient-ils des terres pour le compte de l'État? ou exploitaient-ils leurs propres terres, dont ils auraient été propriétaires? L'étude des charges et obligations pesant sur le groupe des fallāhūn conduit à un tableau plus complexe de la société rurale, comme des politiques mises en oeuvre par l'État pour assurer ses rentrées fiscales à travers le maintien de la mise en culture des terres.

For 300 years, precisely from 1250 to 1517, the Mamluk Dynasty ruled in Egypt and Syria. Their power ended after the conquest of the Ottoman Turks, who later built a new empire. The writer wants to describe how the slave nation could become a ruler who gained legitimacy from Muslims. Mamluk is a soldier who comes from slaves who have converted to Islam. "The mamluk phenomenon," as David Ayalon called it, was an extremely large and long-lived important politic, which lasted from the 9th century to the 19th century AD. Over time, Mamluk became a robust military caste in various Muslim societies. Especially in Egypt, but also the Levant, Iraq, and India, mamluks hold political and military power. In some cases, they gained the position of the Sultan, while in other cases, they held regional power as amir or beys. The historical method starts with collecting literature, sorting, and analyzing and interpreting the writer doing historiography on the dynamics of this mamluk dynasty government. A dynasty filled with phenomenon, which originated from slaves and then turned into the ruler of a vast territory. Not only that, but the slaves were also able to defeat big countries like France, Portugal, and Italy. The Mamluk Sultanate was famous for repelling the Mongols and fighting with the Crusaders. They are descended from various variations, but the most frequent is Kipchak Turks, depending on the period and region in question. When a mamluk is bought, their status is above ordinary slaves, who are not permitted to carry weapons or carry out specific tasks. In places like Egypt, from the Ayyubid dynasty to the era of Muhammad Ali of Egypt, Mamluk is considered as "real rulers" with social status over those born as Muslims.Selama 300 tahun, tepatnya dari tahun 1250 hingga 1517, Dinasti Mamluk memerintah di Mesir dan Suriah. Kekuatan mereka berakhir setelah penaklukan Turki Ottoman, yang kemudian membangun sebuah kerajaan baru. Penulis ingin menggambarkan bagaimana negara budak bisa menjadi penguasa yang mendapatkan legitimasi dari umat Islam. Mamluk adalah seorang prajurit yang berasal dari para budak yang telah memeluk Islam. "Fenomena mamluk," sebagaimana David Ayalon menyebutnya, adalah politik penting yang sangat besar dan berumur panjang, yang berlangsung dari abad ke-9 hingga abad ke-19. Seiring waktu, Mamluk menjadi kasta militer yang kuat di berbagai masyarakat Muslim. Terutama di Mesir, tetapi juga Levant, Irak, dan India, mamluk memegang kekuasaan politik dan militer. Dalam beberapa kasus, mereka mendapatkan posisi Sultan, sementara dalam kasus lain, mereka memegang kekuasaan regional sebagai amir atau lebah. Metode historis dimulai dengan mengumpulkan literatur, menyortir, dan menganalisis dan menafsirkan penulis melakukan historiografi pada dinamika pemerintahan dinasti mamluk ini. Sebuah dinasti penuh dengan fenomena, yang berasal dari budak dan kemudian berubah menjadi penguasa wilayah yang luas. Bukan hanya itu, tetapi para budak juga mampu mengalahkan negara-negara besar seperti Perancis, Portugal, dan Italia. Kesultanan Mamluk terkenal karena memukul mundur bangsa Mongol dan bertarung dengan Tentara Salib. Mereka diturunkan dari berbagai variasi, tetapi yang paling sering adalah Kipchak Turki, tergantung pada periode dan wilayah yang dimaksud. Ketika mamluk dibeli, status mereka di atas budak biasa, yang tidak diizinkan membawa senjata atau melakukan tugas tertentu. Di tempat-tempat seperti Mesir, dari dinasti Ayyubiyah ke era Muhammad Ali dari Mesir, Mamluk dianggap sebagai "penguasa nyata" dengan status sosial atas mereka yang terlahir sebagai Muslim.