Producción Científica ; Collective bargaining between a trade union and a firm is analyzed within the framework of a monopoly union model as a dynamic Stackelberg game. Adjustment costs for the firm are comprised of the standard symmetric convex costs plus a wage-dependent element. Indeed, hiring costs can turn into benefits assuming wage discrimination against new entrants. The union also bears increasing marginal costs in the number of layoff workers and decreasing marginal benefits in the number of new entrants. Starting from a baseline scenario with instantaneous adjustment, we characterize the conditions under which the adjustment costs for the firm, or for the union, lead to higher employment and lower wages or vice versa. More generally, these adjustment costs, when they affect both the union and the firm, are generally detrimental to employment. However, the standard symmetric element of the adjustment costs for the firm positively affects employment, even with lower wages. Finally, if hiring and firing costs are defined separately, then hiring and firing could take place simultaneously if the wage discrimination towards new entrants is strong, because the firm would agree to pay the costs of firing incumbent employees, in order to enjoy wage savings from new entrants. ; Spanish Government (projects ECO2014-52343-P and ECO2017-82227-P). Junta de Castilla y León VA024P17, co-financed by FEDER funds
[Abstract] Under the title "The publicity of collective bargaining agreement#, we deal with the issue of the mechanisms of diffusion of the content of the collective bargaining agreement, as a concretion and accomplishment of the general Law principle of the publicity of norms. It starts with an introduction, entitled "Approach, from a constitutional and comparative Law points of view#, where we study the infrastructure on which both great parts («Spanish Law» and «Comparative Law») of this work is divided. The first of these infrastructures is referred to the constitutional foundations of the publicity of norms according to Spanish domestic Law, where several articles of the current Spanish Constitution of 1978, with specific references to the word «publicity», or containing some words related to it (for example, «public» o «to publish»), or referred to the instruments («files», «Bulletins», «computer-operated») allowing to make it effective, are studied. The second infrastructure deals, basically, with the specification about what we understand for significant Comparative Law. For us, it is the one focussing on Spanish neighbour countries (for example Portugal and France), the Law of other «great of Europe» countries (that is, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Italy), the Law of the European Union («ad extra», but also «ad intra») and, as a counterpoint of the latter, also the Law of the United States of America. As it has just said, the first part of the work studies «The publicity of the collective bargaining agreement established by Spanish Law». The complex matter studied in it —to be used as a basis, in its turn, to deal with the problems of the issue in Comparative Law— has been grouped in five chapters. The first, titled «The publicity of the Spanish collective bargaining agreements up to the enactment of the Workers' Statute», performs the function of a historical part (apparently, unavoidable in any Doctoral disertation) of our work, including the chronological arch between 1902 and 1980. The second one, on the basis of the enactment of the Workers' Statute, deals with «The official traditional publicity of the statutory collective bargaining agreement», which is ruled in section 90, paragraph 3, of the own Workers' Statute (a rule focussed on the publication of the collective bargaining agreements, according to its geographic scope, in the several Official Bulletins we have in Spain). The third chapter, entitled «The computer-operated register publicity of the statutory collective bargaining agreement», focus on the file managed by the National Advisory Commission for Collective Bargaining Agreements, very promoted on its functions and competences, after the 2012 Spanish reforms of the labor legislation. After having closed the issue of the «official» Spanish collective bargaining agreements, the fourth chapter deals directly with the problems of the publicity of the Spanish collective bargaining agreements negotiated in the fringe of the Act (in spite of it, they are not illegal collective bargaining agreements), under the generic label «The internal to the enterprise publicity, the official traditional publicity, and the computer-operated register publicity of the extrastatutory collective bargaining agreements». This first part of my work, monographically devoted to Spanish Law, is closed with a fifth chapter, apparently very theoretical but, simultaneously, of great practical interest —because it tests the correct theory dealt with in the four previous chapters—, about «The extra-statutary collective bargaining agreements without publicity», either because they are oral collective bargaining agreements, or because the lack of publicity in them derives from their tacit nature. The second part, on the basis of having a solid infrastructure about the issue, deals with «The publicity of collective bargaining agreement in Community and Comparative, European and USA, Law», as previously specified —as it was said— in the introduction of the work. It consists of three chapters, relating respectively to the following. The first one, about «The traditional mechanisms of publicity of collective bargaining agreement in Community and Comparative, European and USA, Law», in which we have characterized —always from the point of view of the publicity of collective bargaining agreement— some legal orders «with detailed regulatory models» (in our opinion, the Portuguese, French and German models), some legal orders «with simplified regulatory models» (in our opinion, the Italian, USA and British ones) and, because of its peculiarities —preventing to classify it in some of the two above mentioned models—, «the European Union legal order». The second one deals with the models we consider more close to the Spanish one, from the point of view of the application of the new computer-operated technologies to the diffusion of the content of collective bargaining agreements, marking here the difference between models with computer-operated publicity of an integral character —that is, because they offer in full version collective bargaining agreement at issue—. On the one side, there are some collective bargaining agreements «based on the publication of collective bargaining agreement in official journals» (as the French or the Portuguese ones). On the other side, «not based on the publication of collective bargaining agreement in official journals» (as the Italian or the USA ones). This second part of the work is closed with a third chapter, about «Other comparative models of computer-operated register publicity of collective bargaining agreement», focussed on the analysis of the German confidentialist model, the British secretist model, and finally, the European Union —publicist «ad extra» and occultist «ad intra»— model.!
The new economic governance has pursued a radical decentralisation of collective bargaining. The European system of economic policies represents a new model that can be described as new European interventionism and marks a paradigm change in the EU's approach to collective bargaining to direct political intervention in national bargaining outcomes and procedures. The European economic governance pressure was very clearly on Italy, where the industrial relations system is strongly under pressure, since the "secret" letter sent from the ECB to Italy on August 5th, 2011, which immediately influenced both Italian legislator and social parties. This paper focuses on the trends of the Italian firm-level bargaining system from the perspective of the subjects who negotiate and the agreements' effectiveness. In relation to the subjects, in Italy this pressure resulted in the adoption of the majority principle. From another point of view, in Italy, until the end of last century, the national-level collective agreement seemed to be 'inviolable', inserted as it was in a context of absolute centrality. If this was the traditional approach, in recent years the Italian system has experienced a shift away from the model, where the legal support has been combined with a 'deconstruction' of collective regulation. Here we will briefly consider these more recent dynamics, in particular by the intervention made by the Italian legislator with the so-called economic manoeuvre of August 2011 (Legislative Decree No. 138/2011, converted by Law No. 148/2011), which, in a framework of progressive fragmentation of labour relations, changed traditional attitudes. ; The new economic governance has pursued a radical decentralisation of collective bargaining. The European system of economic policies represents a new model that can be described as new European interventionism and marks a paradigm change in the EU's approach to collective bargaining to direct political intervention in national bargaining outcomes and procedures. The European ...
En este trabajo se hace una revisión de la economía política del cambio técnico y la innovación haciendo énfasis en su relación con la distribución del ingreso entre salarios y beneficios. Se evalúa el aporte del modelo de negociación gradual propio de la teoría de juegos descubriendo los elementos de política asociados a la necesidad de encontrar acuerdos justos. Finalmente se establecen relaciones entre la solución del modelo y algunos trabajos empíricos. ; Abstract. In this paper we review the economics of technical change and innovation with emphasis on its relationship with income distribution between wages and benefits. We assesses the contribution of gradual bargaining model from game theory discovering the policy elements associated with the need for fair agreements. We also describes relationships between the solution of the model and some empirical works. ; Maestría
Transcurridos dos años desde las reformas de 2012, es necesario hacer un balance de las características que definen nuestro modelo de negociación colectiva. Algunas soluciones incorporadas por el legislador ya están empezando a producir sus efectos, lo que nos conduce a analizar en qué medida se está produciendo una transformación en los procesos o técnicas de negociación y en la estructura misma de la negociación colectiva. Otras soluciones, sin embargo, se enfrentan en la práctica a graves problemas de aplicación. Por último, otras resultan tan ambiguas o incompletas que están generando una situación de inseguridad jurídica. Una vez realizado el diagnóstico de la negociación colectiva en 2014, realizaremos algunas propuestas de mejora. ; Two years after the reforms of 2012, it is necessary to take stock of the defining characteristics of our model of collective bargaining. Some solutions incorporated by the legislature are beginning to produce their effects, which leads us to analyze the extent of the transformation in the process or techniques of negotiation and the structure of collective bargaining. However, in practice other solutions face serious implementation problems. Finally, others are so vague or incomplete that they are generating a situation of legal uncertainty. Once the diagnosis of collective bargaining conducted in 2014 is carried out, I will make some suggestions for improvement.
Governments in many countries are often faced with the need to provide a guarantee support for the financing of infrastructure projects at the national and municipal levels. This may be a necessary measure, in order to get private financial institutions to lend enough funds to carry out public projects. In the absence of government as third party in the writing of debt contracts, two problems arise: One, credit is rationed by quantity, causing its equilibrium price to be higher than what comes from meeting supply and demand. Second, borrowers may not have negotiating power to exact the minimum possible cost of money. This paper shows a model for estimating guarantee rate as a way to implement guarantee agreements. A process of bargaining involving the three parties - the requesting entity, the government and the financial institution - produces an optimal set of values for the fair interest rate and the guarantee rate. This process of bargaining requires that the negotiators agree to a set of inter-period default probabilities, the discrete equivalents of hazard rates, as one of the main outcomes of the negotiation. Finally, we explore different ways to construct such probability structures, and apply these ideas to a model for credit risk, currently under implementation, adapted to the circumstances just described. ; Los gobiernos en América Latina con frecuencia enfrentan la necesidad de brindarle apoyo a entidades territoriales y descentralizadas para que éstas obtengan la financiación que necesitan para sus proyectos de infraestructura. Este apoyo, que adopta la forma de garantías de crédito, puede ser una parte indispensable del proceso de financiación, con el fin de lograr que las instituciones financieras privadas y multilaterales den acceso a los fondos suficientes para la realización de los proyectos públicos. Si el gobierno no participa como un tercero interesado, dos problemas básicos se presentan: primero, ocurre un racionamiento por cantidad del crédito para este tipo de proyectos, con la ...
In Latin America, most countries have a decentralized bargainingstructure that is in the company's main area of negotiation and different from the warrantyobligations and promotion deriving from the new Latin American constitutionalism emerged after thefall of dictatorships in the last quarter of the past century. In Peru, the legislative optionenforces a hyper- decentralized model that has restricted maximum coverage and effectiveness of thecollective protection. Therefore, the state regulation referred to the articulated collectivebargaining is not complete because it ignores issues such as the legal nature of the instruments ofjuncture, the framework agreements, their effectiveness, etc.The weakness of the collective protection has transcended the specific field of business andquestions the social, economic and political balances that underpin the constitutional rule of law. ; En América Latina la mayoría de países cuenta con una estructura negocial descentralizada que tiene en la empresa el principal ámbito de negociación y contrasta conlas obligaciones de garantía y fomento que se derivan del nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericanosurgido tras la caída de las dictaduras en el último cuarto del siglo pasado. En el Perú la opciónlegislativa impone un modelo hiperdescentralizado que ha restringido al máximo la cobertura yeficacia de la tutela colectiva. Por su parte, la regulación estatal referida a la negociacióncolectiva articulada no resulta completa ya que deja de lado temas como la naturaleza jurídica delos instrumentos de articulación, los ámbitos de los acuerdos marco, su eficacia, entre otros.La debilidad de la tutela colectiva ha trascendido el ámbito específico de la empresa y pone encuestión los equilibrios sociales, económicos y políticos que sustentan al Estado constitucional de derecho.
El análisis de la competitividad del Biodiesel Colombiano es un estudio compartido en el cual las fuerzas competitivas de Porter fueron tomadas como base evaluativo. En este documento los autores se enfocaron en "El poder de negociación que ejercen los proveedores" bajo un esquema descriptivo-analítico, partiendo de un marco teórico en el cual se identificaron las variables y factores. Dentro del análisis también se incluye las escuelas-enfoques de la competitividad partiendo de la escuela "Mercantilista", pasando por relación entre el Estado y el desarrollo productivo hacia el concepto de Porter. El marco Colombiano establece una necesidad colaborativa entre el sector público y privado y generación de Clusters que estimule y potencialice las oportunidades. Como parte del estudio también se encuentra un análisis de la oferta y demanda de los combustibles tanto fósiles como los posibles sustitutos como lo es el aceite de palma. Los factores tenidos en cuenta dentro del "Poder de negociación de los proveedores" fueron: Precio, Volumen-Capacidad de producción, Ubicación Geográfica, Grado de Confianza, Productos sustitutivos, Integración vertical, Interacción que pueden tener los proveedores con los distribuidores de manera directa, Capacidad de los Proveedores para superar barreras de entrada, Tecnología y finalmente el Biodiesel y su calidad. Todos los anteriores aspectos nos llevan a unas conclusiones para los elementos dentro del esquema como lo son: el Gobierno, los Compradores y los Proveedores, siendo el sector palmero el de mayor ventaja competitiva tendiendo a consolidarse como el mas importante sin desconocer la papel vital de ECOPETROL como ente impulsador del proyecto del Biodiesel en Colombia. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; INTRODUCCIÓN 14 1. OBJETIVOS 15 1.1 OBJETIVO GENERAL 15 1.2 OBJETIVOS ESPECÍFICOS 15 2. MARCO TEÓRICO 16 2.1 ESTADO DEL ARTE 16 2.1.1 ESCUELAS Y ENFOQUES DE LA COMPETITIVIDAD: DE LA CONFRONTACIÓN DE ESCUELAS AL PASO DEL PENSAMIENTO ESTRATÉGICO. 17 2.1.2 Factores que determinan como estrategia de "Desarrollo" la competitividad. 28 2.1.3 Tendencias en América Latina y Colombia. 30 2.1.4 Perspectiva de la competitividad en Colombia. 31 2.1.5 El punto de partida en cifras. Colombia frente a América Latina. 35 2.2 ADOPCIÓN DE UNA PERSPECTIVA TEÓRICA O DE REFERENCIA PARA EL ANÁLISIS DE LA COMPETITIVIDAD DEL BIODIESEL COLOMBIANO. 38 2.2.1 Modelo de competitividad: las cinco fuerzas de Porter 38 2.2.2 Como se genera una oferta y demanda de los biocombustibles. 40 3. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO 46 3.1 ALCANCE DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN 46 3.1.1 Descriptivo. 46 3.2. Selección de la Muestra. 46 3.3. Recolección de Datos 47 3.4 Análisis de los Datos 47 3.5 FUENTES DE INFORMACIÓN 47 3.5.1 FUENTES PRIMARIAS. 47 3.5.2 FUENTES SECUNDARIAS. 47 4. PODER DE NEGOCIACIÓN DE LOS PROVEEDORES 49 4.1. PRECIO 51 4.2. VOLUMEN 56 4.3. LOCALIZACION 60 4.4. GRADO DE CONFIANZA 62 4.5 SUSTITUTIVOS 66 4.6 INTEGRACIÓN VERTICAL 67 4.7 INTERACCIÓN QUE PUEDEN TENER LOS PROVEEDORES CON LOS DISTRIBUIDORES DE MANERA DIRECTA 70 4.8 CAPACIDAD DE LOS PROVEEDORES PARA SOLUCIONAR UNA DE LAS MAYORES BARRERAS DE ENTRADA, LA INFRAESTRUCTURA PARA EL TRANSPORTE 71 4.9 DOMINIO DE UNA TECNOLOGÍA PARA PRODUCIR MÁS EFICIENTEMENTE EL BIODIESEL 72 5. LA INCIDENCIA DEL BIODIESEL EN LA CALIDAD DEL PRODUCTO FINAL QUE LLEGA AL CONSUMIDOR 74 5.1 CONCLUSIONES 74 5.2 GOBIERNO 76 5.3 LOS COMPRADORES 77 5.4 LOS PROVEEDORES 79 6. RECOMENDACIONES 86 7. REVISIÓN BIBLIOGRÁFICA 87 ANEXOS 89 ; Maestría ; The analysis of the competitiveness of the Colombian Biodiesel is a shared study in which the competitive forces of Porter were taken as a base model. In this document the authors focused in "Supplier Power" under a descriptive - analytical scheme, departing from a theoretical frame in which the variables and factors were identified. The analysis also includes the schools and approaches of the competitiveness, from the school "Mercantilist", through a relation between the Government and the productive sector towards Porter's concept. The Colombian frame establishes a collaboration between the public and private sector; generation of Clusters that stimulates and promotes the opportunities. As part of the report, an analysis of the offer and demand of the fuels, such as fossil and the possible substitutes like palm oil is included. The factors taken in account inside the "Supplier Power" were: Price-Cost, Volume - capacity of production, Geographical Location, Degree of Confidence, Substitute Inputs, Threat of forward integration, Interaction suppliers - distributors, Exit Barriers, Technology and Quality of Biodiesel. All the previous aspects take us to a few conclusions for the elements inside the scheme: the Government, the Buyers and the Suppliers, being the palm sector with a major competitive advantage tending to be consolidated as the most important as well as knowing ECOPETROL's role as entity booster of the project of the Biodiesel in Colombia.
La corrupción política es el fenómeno mediante el cual los gobernantes se aprovechan del poder político dado por sus electores para beneficio personal. Las fórmulas electorales, la organización de las legislaturas y el sistema político, como un todo, son factores que afectan la corrupción política, porque dan incentivos a los gobernantes para su buen o mal comportamiento. Este trabajo desarrolla un modelo de negociación en Legislaturas, adaptando las condiciones de la Ley de Bancadas en Colombia, para determinar cómo la organización interna de los partidos políticos puede afectar la corrupción en una legislatura. Se encuentra que un buen régimen de bancadas no puede funcionar perfectamente para controlar la corrupción si no se cuenta con un régimen de transparencia interna, pues éste es más efectivo para controlar la corrupción que el mismo castigo impuesto por los votantes. ; Political corruption is defined like misuse public office for private gain. The electoral rules, district magnitude and political system can affect the corruption, because they give incentives to "good" or "bad" behavior in the office. This paper development a bargaining model in a legislature, using the "Ley de Bancadas" in Colombia to know how the intra-party discipline affects the corruption. The main result is that an effective intra-party discipline cannot work whether there is not intra-party transparency, because it is more effective than the voter's punishment to prevent the corruption. ; Facultad de Ciencias Económicas
This paper develops an overview of the crisis that is facing the collective bargaining model in Colombia, which is increasing the arbitration per year, and hence, the time required for solving the labor disputes. In the second part of the document, there is an analysis of two important facts that influence locally the employment relationships: Trade unions fragmentation and the unions' membership growth. Then, the third part analyzes the internalization process of the labor disputes in Colombia in the last decade, especially, addressing the evolution of complaints issued in the ILO's Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA) and the recommendations published by the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR) of this Entity. Finally, the last part shows the legislative dynamic shown by the Colombian Congress at 2010-2016 periods regarding labor issues, as well as the jurisprudence issued by the Constitutional Court between 1991 and 2016 in Colombia. ; El presente artículo hace un recorrido por la crisis que afronta el modelo de negociación colectiva en Colombia y que ha traído como consecuencia el aumento del número de tribunales de arbitramento convocados por año y el incremento en los tiempos para la resolución de conflictos de origen laboral. En la segunda parte del documento se hace una aproximación a dos fenómenos que impactan directamente las relaciones laborales en el país: la fragmentación sindical y el crecimiento de la membresía de afiliación a organizaciones sindicales. En la tercera sección se realiza un análisis del proceso de internacionalización de los conflictos colectivos laborales en Colombia en la última década, especialmente, abordando la evolución de las quejas ante el Comité de Libertad Sindical (CLS) y las recomendaciones de la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y Recomendaciones (CEACR) de la OIT. En la última, parte del artículo se muestra la dinámica de la agenda legislativa frente a temas laborales en el Congreso de la República en el período 2010-2016, así como las tendencias en materia de fallos por parte de la Corte Constitucional entre los años 1991 a 2016. A algunos de los elementos mencionados se intenta hacer un acercamiento en el presente documento. De manera específica, en la primera sección se analiza brevemente la crisis en el modelo de resolución de conflictos en Colombia, centrado en la incidencia de los tribunales de arbitramento y en lo complejo y tortuoso que es emitir un laudo arbitral en nuestro país. En la segunda parte se analiza de manera pormenorizada el impacto que tiene en las relaciones laborales la debilidad del sindicalismo criollo, se realiza un acercamiento a un fenómeno que vive el movimiento de trabajadores en Colombia y es que crece en materia de afiliación, pero pierde capacidad de negociación y poder en general. En la tercera parte se muestra un diagnóstico en torno al incremento de la conflicitividad laboral a nivel internacional, especialmente en dos esceanrios de la OIT el Comité de Libertad Sindical (CLS) y en la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y Recomendaciones (CEACR). Finalmente, en la cuarta sección se presenta un informe de las tendencias de los fallos en materia laboral de la Corte Constitucional entre 1991 y 2015, asi como de las tendencias y el dinamismo legislativo en el ultimo quinqenio.
La concertación social incide en el sistema de fuentes reguladoras de las relaciones laborales, explica, en parte, el modelo democrático de las relaciones laborales, y consecuentemente, es un condicionante del Estado social, democrático y de Derecho. La falta de concertación social ha condicionado y caracterizado las últimas reformas laborales, y especialmente la de 2012: el actual modelo de relaciones laborales no es el deseable, ni siquiera, ni mucho menos en tiempos de crisis económica. Y en este contexto, la concertación social para el empleo de los últimos años, no es la debida por su contenido, ni exitosa por sus resultados. ; La concertació social incideix en el sistema de fonts reguladores de les relacions laborals, explica, en part, el model democràtic de les relacions laborals, i conseqüentment, és un condicionant de l'Estat social, democràtic i de Dret. La falta de concertació social ha condicionat i caracteritzat les últimes reformes laborals, i especialment la de 2012: l'actual model de relacions laborals no és el desitjable, ni tan sols, ni molt menys en temps de crisi econòmica. I en aquest context, la concertació social per a l'ocupació dels últims anys, no és la idònia pel seu contingut, ni reeixida pels seus resultats. ; Social partnership affects the regulatory system of industrial, and explains, in part, the democratic model of labor relations; consequently, it is a key determinant of social, democratic and legal state. The lack of social consensus has characterized the last labor reforms, and especially that of 2012. The current model of labor relations is not the desirable one, especially in times of economic crisis. In this scenario, social dialogue on employment in recent years is not due for their content, nor for their results.
We discuss a model of gradual coalition formation with positive externalities in which a leading country endogenously decides whether to negotiate multilaterally or sequentially over climate change. We show that the leader may choose a sequential path, and that the choice is determined by the convexity of the TU-game and the free-rider payoffs of the followers. Except in a few clearly defined cases, the outcome of the negotiation process is always the grand coalition, although the process may need some time. This holds for the standard IEA game with heterogeneous players even if the grand coalition is not stable in a multilateral context. We also analyze the role of a facilitating agency. The agency has an incentive to speed up intra-stage negotiations and to extend the period between negotiation stages in a sequential process. ; Peer reviewed
The process of collective bargaining reforms in Spain This article aims to analyze the main lines of development of the process of collective bargaining reforms in Spain. For this purpose, after of being described those characteristic elements of the Spanish model about this fundamental right, it highlight the principal legislative changes that involved the great labor reform of 1994, which have continued through the regulations issued between 2011 and 2012, generating a synergy that actually delimit a new right of collective bargaining. ; El presente artículo tiene por finalidad analizar las principales líneas de desarrollo del proceso de reformas de la negociación colectiva en España. A dicho efecto, luego de describirse aquellos elementos característicos del modelo español respecto a este derecho fundamental, se resaltan los principales cambios legislativos que implicó la gran reforma laboral de 1994, los cuales han continuado a través de las normas emitidas entre 2011 y 2012, generándose una sinergia que en realidad delimita un nuevo derecho de la negociación colectiva.
The Spanish Labour Law system has been profoundly changed along the last three decades. These transformations have intensely and extendedly affected this system's elements. The present article tries to offer a general perspective of those transformations, from a double point of view. First, and from the view of the Spanish Labour Law, the changes in the traditional model of regulation of the occupational relations are analyzed, paying special attention to the determinant factors of the folding of the governmental rules as well as the reorganization of the normative spaces of the law and the collective agreement. Second, and from the angle of the Social and Communitarian Law, the unstoppable and preoccupying advance of the soft law formulas and its effects on the project for social harmony are examined.
