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The ultimate goal of game theory is to provide a theoretical model for strategic situations' analysis, i.e. for situations where one actor's choice depends on the behavior of other players in the game. As a concept, game theory is also applicable to the legal context. Legal dialectics and processes are often conducted in some form of strategic interactions. Game theory is a way to see how legal rules affect particular actors' behavior. International Economic Law has its own dynamics which makes the process similar to the analysis through the game theoretical tools. Therefore, the rules of international law are considered as the rules of the game that are taking place among different actors. Game theoretical considerations clarify the substance of the interaction and cooperation of players involved (states, international organizations and other actors). Game theory provides a basis for normative analysis of the issue of implementation of the rules of international law and improves understanding of those rules. The topic of the paper is the application of the game theory in the context of the legal framework established by the World Trade Organization. The member states' dilemma between using the advantages and liberalization options provided by the WTO on the one hand, and joining the regional trade agreements, on the other one, is strategic by nature. Therefore, game theory can contribute to understanding and resolving, using the game of 'prisoner's dilemma' as a model. It is the game which clearly shows that a group of rational egoists can end up worse than a group of actors that acts prima facie contrary to their own interests. 'Prisoner's dilemma' demonstrates why society and law has the need for coordination as well as mechanisms for co-operation. WTO member states put emphasis on the process of liberalization conducted in the framework of regional trade agreements (RTAs); at the same time, their participation in WTO negotiations is not effective and efficient enough to make a breakthrough in the multilateral framework. A solution of the game for Member States is not to cooperate: i. e, liberalization is primarily achieved through regional agreements rather than within the WTO. The rational decision of the Member States (opting for a regional approach) has resulted in a suboptimal result, which is a basic characteristic of the game model based on a prisoner's dilemma: in this case, the optimal solution would be cooperation through a multilateral framework (World Trade Organization).

The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.

For an artist at the earliest stages of his career, accumulating a stock of knowledge and skills can become the most important basis from which he or she might expect a higher income or ranking on the art market in the future. These investments can be seen as the direct costs of higher education in art, which together with other costs make a significant corpus of investment for the artist, from which some future return may be expected. According to the renowned theoretician of economy Ruth Towse, such investment can also be considered as a "percentage of personal income," which can be understood as compensation for any interest that the artist would have realized in case he had effectively converted such investment into savings or invested in something else. Thus, the indirect costs of investing in art education are all those that we can consider as earnings that were missed during the training period, or period of knowledge accumulation. In this case, theorists will agree that such investment may be considered as an opportunity cost, which would have been compensated had that time been used for work, that is, invested in earning rather than learning. Therefore, in this paper, based on these dichotomy contributions, we will build on the general views of the contract theory as proposed by Richard E. Caves on the negotiating position of the artist, which in most cases constitutes an "incomplete contract" that cannot compensate for all the costs of art education and later the price and market value of his or her work. The need to pay special attention to this topic in the new conditions of political economy arises from a rather dominant and hypostatic form of cognitive capital on the one side, and the neoliberal model of cultural policy on the other. ; Stvaranje zaliha znanja i vještina za umjetnika u najranijim fazama njegovog razvoja može da predstavlja najznačajniju osnovu s koje u budućnosti može očekivati veći dohodak ili ranigiranje unutar nekog umjetničkog tržišta. Ta ulaganja moguće je sagledati kao neposredne troškove visokoškolskog umjetničkog obrazovanja koje povezano sa ostalim troškovima čine značajan korpus investicija umjetnika od kojih se, u perspektivi, može očekivati povraćaj uloženog. Po riječima ugledne teoretičarke ekonomike kulture, Rut Tausi [Ruth Towse], takvo se ulaganje može nazvati i "lična stopa prinosa" koja se može razumjeti kao nadoknada eventualne kamate koju bi umjetnik ostvario da je kojim slučajem takvu investiciju efektivno pretvorio u štednju ili investirao u nešto drugo. Na drugoj strani, posredni troškovi ulaganja u umjetničko obrazovanje su svi oni koje možemo smatrati propuštenom zaradom koja nastaje u toku perioda obuke umjetnika, odnosno perioda akumulacije njegovog znanja. U takvom slučaju teoretičari će se složiti da se takva investicija može smatrati oportunitetnim troškom koji bi mogao biti nadoknađen da je to vrijeme bilo iskorišteno za rad, odnosno za prihodovanje, a ne za obrazovanje. Stoga ćemo u ovom radu na osnovu ovih dihotomijskih priloga pokušati da nadogradimo opšta stanovišta teorije ugovora Ričarda E. Kejvsa [Richard E. Caves] o pregovaračkoj poziciji umjetnika koja u većini slučajeva predstavlja "nepotpun ugovor" kojim se ne mogu kompenzovati svi troškovi umjetničkog obrazovanja te kasnije cijene i tržišne vrijednosti njegovog rada. Potreba da se ovoj temi posveti posebna pažnja u novim uslovima političke ekonomije nastaje iz jedne prilično preovladajuće i hipostazirane forme kognitivnog kapitala na jednoj i neoliberalnog modela kulturne politike na drugoj strani.

Jedno od osnovnih svojstava posebnih bezbednosnih problema, ali i zadataka kojima se oni rešavaju predstavlja složenost. U zavisnosti od osnovih obeležja složenosti posebnih bezbednosnih problema i zadataka, kao odgovora na njih, primenjuju se odgovarajuće koncepcije složenosti. Radi se o logičkoj, teoretsko-informacionoj, algoritamskoj, teoretsko-množinskoj i statističkoj koncepciji. U zavisnosti od primenjene koncepcije složenosti varira struktura procesa odlučivanja o načinu angažovanja snaga određenih za rešavanje konkretnog posebnog bezbednosnog problema, kao i ishodi tog procesa. S tim u vezi, postavlja se pitanje posledica izbora odredjenje koncepcije složenosti na proces i ishod odlučivanja u uslovima rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Značaj odgovora na ovo pitanje je u pravilnom shvatanju koncepcija složenosti i njihovog uticaja na odlučivanje povodom rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Odgovorom na ta pitanja olakšaće se edukacija u oblasti bezbednosnog menadžmenta s jedne strane i primena stečenih znanja u toj oblasti, s druge strane. ; One of the basic characteristics of special security problems, as well as the tasks with which they are solved is their complexity. Depending on the basic characteristics of the complexity of special security problems and tasks, as responses to them, adequate complexity concepts are implemented. This refers to logical,theoretical-information, algorithm, theoretically multiple and statistical concept. Depending on the implemented complexity concept, the structure of the decision-making process varies regarding the method of engaging the forces determined for the solving of concrete special security problem, as well as the outcomes of this process. Thus, there is the question about the consequences of the selection of certain complexity concepts for the process and outcome of decision-making in the conditions of solving special security problems. The significance of the answer to this question is in proper understanding of the concepts of complexity and their influence on the decision-making regarding solving of special security problems. The answer to this question will facilitate the education in the field of security management on the one hand and implementation of the acquired knowledge in this field, on the other hand. ; Book of papers / 4th International Conference "Crisis management days", 25 - 26 May 2011, Velika Gorica, Croatia

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

Nowadays, there are divided opinions in Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to further mandate of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative. However, the e nd of the mandate of the High Representative is realistically expected in the near future. The need to abolish the office of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative has been mentioned increasingly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the Republic of Srpska. The reasons for the abolition of the function of the High Representative are different between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as among its constitutive peoples. The authority of the High Representative has been increasingly questioned.It is on that basis that questions arise more frequently whether his (High Representative) legal acts will be valid, in particular individual decisions, such as deprivation of certain rights to citizens, the right to work, political action and passive right to vote. Representatives of the international community are worried that the interested domestic political circles could set a thesis (and be successful at it) that all acts of the High Representative will cease to apply at the moment when Annex X of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is ended.A number of imposed laws not yet adopted by the local legislator himself, in the event of cancellation, would actually return BiH to the original competences under the Constitution BiH, as the legal consequence. The institution of the High Representative was set up by Annex X (Agreement on Civilian Implementation of the Peaceful Solution) of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Simultaneously, bearing in mind these facts, legally speaking, Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be classified into any known form of international dependence, however, the objective situation is such that Bosnia and Herzegovina with the powers vested in the High Representative and the actions that he is taking, can be considered a state with a specific form of international dependence and a special form of guardianship.

The paper analyzes the regulation of the institute of the test procedure, especially institutes simplified procedure, as well as administrative actions to the decision in the Law on Administrative Procedure of the Republic of Srpska. Specially processed actions authorized officials in this part of the administrative procedure, which can take place to resolve the administrative matter.Thus, first, in the preamble emphasizes the importance that arranging direct solving has to conduct efficient and cost-effective administrative procedures. In the central part of the shortened institutes and special examination procedures are analyzed in detail, with particular attention paid compared institute immediate resolution of the Institute a summary procedure . In conclusion, the paper briefly discusses the work point out the basic problems and theses, and stresses the duty of officials and that when immediate resolution of protecting the rights of the parties.

"Vojničku vladavinu" Monteskje je spominjao u sva tri svoja glavna dela: i u Persijskim pismima, i u Razmatranjima o uzrocima veličine Rimljana i njihove propasti i u spisu O duhu zakona. Međutim, samo je u poslednjem delu ovu proglasio za poseban tip despotije. Taj tip despotije Monteskje je razmotrio na primeru starog Rima i došao do zaključka da se značajno razlikuje od onoga što je obično podrazumevao pod despotijom – onom orijentalnom. Dok je, naime, orijentalna despotija bezvremena, jednostavna i lišena bilo kakve predstave o slobodi, "vojničku vladavinu" kao okcidentalan tip despotije karakterisali bi upravo naglašena kompleksnost i istoričnost u kontekstu pervertiranja slobode: ona bi se mogla razumeti samo kao ishod determinizma koji vodi od urušavanja monarhije preko aristokratske i demokratske republike. ; Montesquieu writes about "military rule" in all of his three main works: in the Persian Letters, in Considerations on the Causes of the Grandeur and Decadence of the Romans, as well as his magnum opus On the Spirit of the Laws. However, only in the last work he defined it as a special type of despotism. Montesquieu analyses this type of despotism by reference to ancient Rome and comes to a conclusion that the Roman example differed significantly from what he usually meant by despotism – that is oriental despotism. He claims, namely, that oriental despotism could be perceived as timeless, simple and devoid of any notion of freedom, while "military rule", as "occidental" type of despotism, would be characterized by its complexity and historicity in the context of perversion of freedom. The "occidental" type of despotism, claims Montesquieu, could be understood only as a stage in a deterministic political development that starts with a collapse of the monarchy that is itself a result of a collapse of the aristocratic and democratic republic.

The theory of public choice is a major link between political science and economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non- market decision-making i.e. the application of economic analysis to political decision-making. The champions of the theory of public choice have most confidence in the market and the market institutions. They try to explain political decision-making by means of the standards operating on the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism and homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both on the market and in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behaviour, the roles of politicians, political parties, and interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandisement and their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasises the category of exchange (political exchange) and the catalectic approach to economy. (SOI : PM: S. 100)

The author deals with the possibility of the application of the formalized mod in the study of the public administration issue in the federally structured American administration. The theory of American federalism has taught us that the expenses of the implementation of political decisions are inversely proportionate to the administrative level of their application: the expenses are bigger if the implementation is done at lower administrative levels, i.e. state or local instead federal authorities. On the other hand, that theory claims that the decision-making expenses are proportionate to the level of decision-making: the lower the decision-making level, the smaller the expenses. The American experience in the arena of the policy of oil and gas exploitation confirms the model's rationale, and is applicable to other fields: the optimal effect and the minimal expenses have been achieved in the situation in which political regulations are decided upon at the state level, while their implementation lies within the domain of federal government. (SOI : PM: S. 162)