The author analyzes the concept of human dignity in historical & logical perspectives of its meaning. The key terms are (a) dignity as an attribute of humanity; (b) the meaninglessness of this notion in some historical periods; (c) human dignity as human achievement; (d) human dignity as human potential; (e) human dignity as belonging to humanity. Then he goes on to stress the superiority of dignity as such over the acquired dignity. And finally, the author concludes that human dignity is inviolable, both in the virtues of its autonomous subjectivity & in its deviations: in the fallacy, deception, guilt, & awareness of one's own finality. Adapted from the source document.
Haberle claims constitutional law is a comparative experiential science closely linked with political science with which it shares the research subject. The constitutional state has been going through a permanent process of changes; the central question is who is the prime mover of constitutional changes: constitutional/legal institutions, constitutional/legal science, & political science or public opinion & political culture of citizens? By analyzing the recent history of the changes of the German constitutions he suggests that all these factors contribute to constitutional changes. Nevertheless, as an expert for law & political science, who considers himself as belonging to the wider European scientific community, Haberle thinks that the decisive influences in constitutional changes stem from legal & political sciences & concludes: Sine qua (scientia) mortalium vita non regitur liberaliter (Without science, mortals do not command their life freely). Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central & Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 20th century. In Poland, like in most Central-European & Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state & was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture & tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in the construction of national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found it increasingly difficult to adapt to the new conditions of political democracy as well as ideological & cultural pluralism. As has been sown through the debates on abortion & religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the statues of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions & jeopardized its influence in the society. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses the political effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament. Although the makers of the new electoral law argued that the democratic legislative body should widely & justly represent all interests, points of view, & opinions of the electoral body, electoral law only partly stimulates proportionality. The disproportionate effects of the Hungarian electoral law (system) have been caused, according to the author, by several elements: namely, the prohibitive clause, the application of the electoral number procedure (the Hagenbach-Bischoff method & the Hare method), the two-thirds rule for the distribution of the remaining mandates, & the size of the electoral districts. In the 1990 parliamentary elections, the combined electoral system (that fuses electoral systems belonging to two different types -- the majority & the proportional system) achieved one of its basic political aims; it made great party fragmentation on the parliamentary level impossible, although a comparatively large number of political parties participated in the electoral process. One of the first effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament was a reduction of multiparliamentarism. 8 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.
ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.
The article deals with the analysis of multiculturalism as an ideology of political integration in modern pluralistic societies of liberal democracy. The author develops the thesis that the self-proclaimed end of the policy of multiculturalism in European integration should not be considered the end of multiculturalism as a failed policy of "cultural differences", but quite the opposite: the essence of the ideology of liberal multiculturalism in general -- the ideology of political integration. Since the existence of parallel societies and politics in Western societies under rule of technocracy elite has been explained by the reasons of cultural distances and the dialogue of cultures, the need arises to review the entire legacy of political theories and models of multiculturalism in a situation when it comes to the destruction of the very concept of society in a globalized neo-liberal project of economics, politics and culture. The author has reviewed the case of two paradigms -- the political liberalism of Rawls and Habermas, and the politics of identity as difference of Young and Kymlicka -- and argues that the way out of the vicious circle of political universalism without the protection of minorities and cultural particularism without belonging to the "new" political community and society can have no credibility without a radical deconstruction of culture as ideology. The question of identity is no longer a question of preserving cultural values at the time of dissolution of social structures of the global era, but a question turned to the power apparatus as identity. Adapted from the source document.
ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.
U Varaždinu je između dvaju svjetskih ratova postojala intenzivna knjižnična djelatnost. Većina značajnijih knjižnica bila je zatvorenog tipa, a djelovale su u sklopu različitih varaždinskih društava. Društva Narodna čitaonica, Jugoslavensko akademsko društvo "Tomislav" i Radničko prosvjetno-kulturno društvo "Sloboda" u međuratnom razdoblju imali su knjižnice te su putem knjiga, novina, časopisa, predavanja i ostalih aktivnosti marljivo radili na širenju kulture i prosvjećivanju Varaždinaca. Kako bi knjige, novine te časopisi postali dostupni i širim društvenim slojevima, početkom 1919. godine osnovana je Gradska pučka knjižnica zahvaljujući inicijativi Gradskoga poglavarstva, Narodne čitaonice i Jugoslavenskog akademskog društva "Tomislav". Štoviše, neko vrijeme nakon završetka II. svjetskog rata upravo je ujedinjenjem knjižne imovine međuratne Gradske pučke knjižnice, Narodne čitaonice i Radničkog kulturno-umjetničkog društva "Sloboda" nastala nova institucija imena Knjižnica i čitaonica "Sloboda". ; In Varaždin, the period between the two world wars was marked by intense activities involving libraries. The majority of significant libraries were closed stack libraries functioning within various Varaždin societies. During the interwar period the National Reading Room, Yugoslav Academic Society "Tomislav" and Workers' Educational and Cultural Society "Sloboda" had their own libraries, and through books, newspapers, magazines, lectures and other activities they worked diligently on broadening the culture and education in Varaždin. In order to make books, newspapers and magazines accessible to all society layers the Public Town Library was founded at the beginning of the 19th century due to the initiative of the Town Government, National Reading Room and Yugoslav Academic Society "Tomislav". Moreover, some time after the end of the Second World War library items belonging to the Public Town Library, National Reading Room and Workers' Educational and Cultural Society "Sloboda" functioning in the interwar period, were merged for the purpose of founding a new institution named Library and Reading Room "Sloboda".
Nacija predstavlja oblik političke organizacije povezan s modernosti. Nacionalne države su gradile standardne jezike i obrazovne sustave kako bi se formirala nacionalna identifikacije, budući da država teško može postojati bez nekog oblika kulturne bliskosti među svojim građanima. Bez zajedničkog identiteta, društvo je često podijeljeno i nedostaje mu solidarnosti. Europska unija je izgrađena na ekonomskim i političkim temeljima; no pokušava krivotvoriti osjećaj zajedničke pripadnosti i identiteta. Kao u slučaju nacionalne integracije, postoje dvije mogućnosti - europski identitet na temelju zajedničke kulture i europski identitet temeljen na zajedničkim političkim načelima. Prvi tip identiteta je teško krivotvoriti, s obzirom na europske kulturne i jezične raznolikosti. Drugi tip identiteta teško može biti osnova političke zajednice, a također se teško može postići zbog nepostojanja europskog medijskog prostora i zajedničkog javnog mnijenja. Stoga, autori ovog rada zaključuju da se Europska unija temelji na nestabilnim osnovama. ; Nation represents a form of political organization connected with modernity. National states had been building standard languages and educational systems in order to form national identification, since a state can hardly exist without some form of cultural closeness between its citizens. Without a common identity, a society is often divided and lacks solidarity. European Union was built on economical and political grounds; however it tries to forge a sense of common belonging and identity. As in the case of national integration, there are two possibilities – European identity based on the common culture, and European identity based on common political principles. The first type of identity is hard to forge, due to European cultural and linguistic diversity. The second type of identity can hardly form a basis of spolitical community, and also can hardly be achieved due to non-existence of European media space and common public opinion. Therefore, the authors of this paper conclude that European Union is based on unstable grounds.
Rad problematizira vanjsko-političku situaciju Republike Srbije koja se nalazi između članstva u euroatlantskim integracijama, odnosno koja je vojno neutralna država okruženama članicama Organizacije Sjeveroatlantskog ugovora. Nadalje, u radu se, primjenom istraživačke metode analize sadržaja, analiziraju članci objavljeni na portalima ''Politika Online'' i ''Danas''. Članci uzeti u obzir odabrani su unutar dvomjesečnog roka (svibanj i lipanj 2016. godine). Cilj analize sadržaja jest utvrđivanje usmjerenja medija spram spomenute teme i vanjsko-političke situacije Srbije, kao utvrđivanje općih novinarskih standarda prilikom prenošenja takvih vijesti (poput argumentiranosti, uravnoteženosti i objektivnosti). Članci su razvrstani prema pripadnosti u rubrici, a zatim kronološki. Suvremena dilema Srbije, koja se nalazi i između članstva u Europskoj Uniji, i sa visokim intenzitetom suradnje sa NATO savezom (članica programa Partnerstvo za mir) neobično je važna za sigurnosni aspekt čitavog prostora Jugoistočne Europe. ; This paper reviews the situation of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia, which is located between membership in Euro-Atlantic integration, and it's military neutrality while surrounded by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Furthermore, through the application of research methods of content analysis articles analysed were published on the portals '' Politika Online '' and '' Danas ''. Articles were selected within the two-month period (during the months of May and June 2016). The goal of the content analysis is to determine the orientation of the media towards these themes and situation of foreign policy of Serbia, as well as identification of the general journalistic standards when transmitting such news (such as objectivity and balance). Articles are sorted by belonging to thecertain section, and then chronologically. This modern dilemma of Serbia, which is also a member of the European Union, with the high intensity of cooperation with NATO (member of the Partnership for Peace) ...
Postoji niz čimbenika koji pridonose kvaliteti života pojedinca. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati kvalitetu življenja građana grada Varaždina odnosno procjenu općeg životnog zadovoljstva kao i pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva te sreće građana grada Varaždina i zatim napraviti usporedbu s procjenama kvalitete života građana Hrvatske, susjednih zemalja i općenito građana Europske unije. Istraživanje je provedeno u jesen 2011. na reprezentativnom, stratificiranom uzorku punoljetnog stanovništva Grada Varaždina, sa slučajnim izborom jedinica unutar svakog stratuma. Uzorkom je ukupno obuhvaćeno 500 ispitanika. Korištene su subjektivne procjene kvalitete življenja građana Varaždina ispitane skalama samoprocjena o kvaliteti života, životnom zadovoljstvu i sreći, te pojedinim domenama životnog zadovoljstva. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazali su kako stanovnici grada Varaždina općenito procjenjuju da su sretni i zadovoljni svojim životom u cijelosti. Kod procjene zadovoljstva pojedinim segmentima u svom životu, odnosno uvjetima života u gradu Varaždinu, građani su najzadovoljniji odnosima s bližnjima, pripadnošću okolini u kojoj žive, kvalitetom stanovanja, zatim duhovnošću, osjećajem vlastite sigurnosti i sigurnosti u gradu. Ujedno, to su područja koja građani procjenjuju pozitivnije nego što su procijenili zadovoljstvo svojim životom u cijelosti. Građani svoje pozitivne procjene zadovoljstva životom upravo baziraju na procjenama osobnog zadovoljstva, interpersonalnim odnosima i osjećaju sigurnosti kao socijalnim domenama život, a što bi bili i glavni razlozi zbog kojih bi se stanovnici grada odselili iz Varaždina. Za zadovoljstvo životom građana grada Varaždina najznačajniji su zadovoljstvo životnim standardom i zadovoljstvo pripadnosti okolini u kojoj žive. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva, sreće te pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva građana Varaždina bliže su prosječnim procjenama stanovnika EU-a 2011. godine nego prosječnim procjenama stanovnika Hrvatske. Zadovoljstvo svojim zdravljem građani Varaždina, Hrvatske i EU-a procjenjuju podjednako, dok su procjene životnog standarda građana Varaždina bliže procjenama stanovnika EU-a nego stanovnika Hrvatske. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva i sreće građana Varaždina u odnosu na ostale zemlje EU-a u okruženju najbliže su procjenama stanovnika Austrije. ; There are a number of factors that contribute to the quality of life of an individual. The aim of this study was to examine the quality of life of citizens in the city of Varaždin and to assess their general life satisfaction as well as individual domains of life satisfaction and happiness. Another aim was to compare this with the evaluated quality of life of citizens in Croatia, neighbouring countries and generally in the European Union. The survey was conducted in the fall of 2011 on a representative, stratified sample of the adult population in the city of Varaždin with a random selection of units within each stratum. The sample included a total of 500 respondents. Subjective assessments of quality of life by citizens of Varaždin were tested by scales of self-assessment of quality of life, life satisfaction and happiness, and individual domains of life satisfaction. Results of the study showed that people in the city of Varaždin evaluate that they are happy and satisfied with their life in general. When assessing satisfaction of certain life segments and living conditions in the city of Varaždin, citizens are most satisfied with their family relationships, belonging to the environment in which they live, the quality of housing, followed by spirituality, a sense of personal safety and security in the city. At the same time, these are the areas that citizens assessed more positively than they assess satisfaction with their lives as a whole. Citizens' positive assessment of life satisfaction is based on evaluations of personal satisfaction, interpersonal relationships and a sense of security as well as the social domains of life which would be the main reasons why residents move away from Varaždin. For life satisfaction of citizens in the city of Varaždin, standard of living and the pleasure of belonging to the environment in which they live were the most important. Life satisfaction, happiness and individual domains of life satisfaction of citizens of Varaždin were closer to the average evaluations in the EU in 2011, than the average evaluations of the Croatian population. In relation to satisfaction with health, citizens of Varazdin, Croatia and the EU are alike, while the standard of living assessment among citizens of Varaždin is closer to the evaluations of the EU population than the overall population of Croatia. Evaluations of life satisfaction and happiness of citizens in Varaždin were closest to evaluations of population in Austria in comparison to other EU countries in the region.
This study aims to understand how willingness to help people in poverty and the agreement with providing government aid are connected to emotions and attributional processes, in a country with a high poverty rate such as Argentina. Differences in poverty attributions and emotions among self-reported social class are also analysed. A total sample of 331 secondary-school students completed self-administered questionnaires. Correlations and regression analyses showed that, whereas emotions such as compassion, empathy and pity seem to motivate helping behaviours, explanations as to the cause of poverty, rather than emotions, are closely associated with an agreement to providing government aid. However, low levels of anger seem to be required to endorse both helping behaviours and agreement to providing government aid. On the other hand, respondents who self-identify as belonging to upper classes report more anger and use fewer structural explanations to understand poverty than lower-classes respondents. We propose that future research analyse a greater variety of helping behaviours towards people in poverty and types of government intervention in the global south. ; Cilj je provedenoga istraživanja razumjeti kako su spremnost za pomaganje i suglasnost s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima povezani s emocijama i atribucijskim procesima u zemlji s visokom stopom siromaštva poput Argentine. Analizirane su također razlike u emocijama i atribuciji siromaštva među različitim društvenim klasama. U istraživanju je sudjelovao ukupno 331 srednjoškolac, a svi su sudionici ispunili set upitnika. Na temelju korelacijskih i regresijskih analiza može se zaključiti da, iako emocije poput suosjećanja, empatije i sažaljenja motiviraju ponašanja povezana s pomaganjem, atribucije uzroka siromaštva, a ne same emocije, usko su povezane sa suglasnošću s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima. Prema dobivenim je rezultatima niska razina ljutnje povezana i s ponašanjima povezanima s pomaganjem i sa suglasnošću s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima. Ispitanici koji se identificiraju kao pripadnici više klase izvještavaju o većoj ljutnji te koriste manje strukturirana objašnjenja za razumijevanje uzroka siromaštva u odnosu na ispitanike koji pripadaju nižoj klasi. Predlažemo da se u budućim istraživanjima analizira više različitih ponašanja povezanih s pomaganjem siromašnima, kao i vrste vladinih intervencija u južnim područjima svijeta.
Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.
Jezik je najvažnija ljudska djelatnost koja omogućuje funkcioniranje društva na svim njegovim razinama. Od iznimne je važnosti njegovo komunikacijsko svojstvo pomoću kojega se pripadnici istoga govornoga područja sporazumijevaju i tako izgrađuju novu jezičnu stvarnost. Kao što se sve pojave u političkoj zajednici nastoje urediti i normirati, tako je i s jezikom. I jezik je potrebno normirati i unificirati. Tu je zadaću oduvijek imala država, odnosno vladajuće elite kojima je bilo u cilju organizirati vlast na određenom teritoriju, a jezik se pokazao kao jednim od elemenata kojim se postiže snažna homogenizacija naroda, i to kroz osjećaj pripadnosti, odnosno identifikaciju s jezikom. Ozbiljniji procesi jezičnoga planiranja i jezične politike javljaju se tek u 19. stoljeću s pojavom nacionalnih država. U suvremeno doba tu ulogu preuzimaju javni mediji, a jedan od njih je i dnevni tisak koji utječe na oblikovanje javnoga jezika. U radu se analizira leksik dnevnih novina da bi se uočile i zabilježile određene promjene koje je hrvatski jezik doživio u razdoblju od petnaest godina od uspostave hrvatske države 1991. ; Language is the most important human achievement, enabling functio¬ning of society at its many levels. It enables communication between in¬dividuals from the same language group and builds their linguistic reality. Like all other properties of political societies, language has to be regulated and normed. This was always the realm of states or leading elites that tried to organize governments at certain territories. Language was often used to achieve a strong national homogeneity through feeling of belonging, or iden¬tification with the language. More organized processes of language planning and language politics appear with the establishment of nation states in the 19th century. In modern times the role of the state was taken over by public media, including daily newspapers that influence the formation of public language. In this paper we analyze the lexical forms of daily papers in order to notice and register certain changes that Croatian language experienced in the period of 15 years since the formation of the modern Croatian state in 1991.
