Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the problem of Russia's aspirations to revise the geopolitical system created in Soviet times using Crimea as an example. It shows the activities of both local political circles and the central authorities of the Russian SFSR, and later the Russian Federation, aimed at revising the existing borders and integrating the Crimean peninsula into Russia. The article covers the years from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the 1997 agreement between Russia and Ukraine.

For past decades the two major consumers of Ukrainian products have been the CIS countries and the EU, both making up to 55% of the foreign trade turnover. An enactment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area in 2016 has significantly boosted the trade between Ukraine and the EU Member States and, from other hand, has indirectly contributed to the reduction of trade with key CIS partners. In result, basically, has occurred a reorientation of Ukrainian trade from Eastern partners to Western. The analysis of the foreign trade of Ukraine for the period 2010–2019 has proved the thesis that Ukraine has gained first of all quantitatively in trade integration with the EU and lost first of all qualitatively in diminished trade with the CIS.

Abstrakt

Semantic change, conceived as the rise of new meanings for existing words, can be studied while it happens. We present here some cases of Italian words whose recent non-canonical and in principle incorrect meanings are gaining such a high frequency also in diastratically and diaphasically high contexts, that it is no longer possible to consider them as bare errors. We will describe them by using examples from written language corpora, adding information on their frequency and proposing the causes, in the language system and in discourse contexts, that may have triggered the changes.

Między błędem a nowym zastosowaniem – najnowsze ścieżki włoskich słów

Zmianę semantyczną, rozumianą jako powstanie nowych znaczeń istniejących słów, można badać w czasie gdy się wydarza. W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono przykłady włoskich słów, dla których nowe znaczenia niekanoniczne – i w zasadzie błędne – pojawiają się także w kontekstach użycia, z punktu widzenia diastratycznego i diafatycznego, stosunkowo wysokiego tak często, że nie jest już możliwe uznanie ich za zwykłe błędy. Słowa te opisane zostaną na podstawie przykładów zaczerpniętych z korpusów, wraz z informacjami na temat częstotliwości ich występowania oraz propozycjami przyczyn, obecnych w systemie językowym a także w kontekstach użycia, które mogły spowodować zmiany.

The fact that Poland and Ukraine share a border, the convergence of the political goals of the peoples of both countries, and the constant efforts towards the development of democracy and decentralisation of public life determine the need to intensify cooperation in various areas of the functioning of society and the economy. An important sphere of cooperation is the public sector, in particular at the level of local government. The local government cooperation of both countries was already visible at the beginning of the social and political transformations after 1990. The development of this cooperation, with varying results, took place in the 1990s and, to an even greater extent, after Poland's accession to the European Union. In the last three decades, local and regional communities in Ukraine have become an important partner for Polish local governments, both at the local and regional levels. The local government cooperation that has been implemented is based on the diversification and multidimensionality of forms and models. Some result from legal regulations, while others are based on mutual experiences, previous contacts, and sympathies of public authorities. The aim of the study is to analyse and present the conditions and forms of Polish-Ukrainian local government cooperation. The aim is also to show the barriers to cooperation and to define proposed solutions to improve partner contacts of territorial units. The local government cooperation of the two countries is undoubtedly hindered by the fact that Ukraine is not a member of the EU, and often by mutual misunderstanding and non-acceptance of historical experiences. On the other hand, common goals at different levels of social, public, and economic life are a significant factor motivating parties to increase cooperation and achieve a synergistic effect thanks to it.

Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie koncepcji solidarności pokoleń w kontekście wyzwań procesu starzenia się ludności na początku XXI wieku. Utrzymanie pozbawionych konfliktów relacji pokoleniowych jest kwestią wymagającą wspólnych interwencji podmiotów publicznych, komercyjnych i pozarządowych. Dlatego też w opracowaniu, po omówieniu znaczeń pojęcia pokolenie i typów relacji międzypokoleniowych, zostaną wskazane modele polityki relacji międzypokoleniowych. Opis uwzględnia działania na poziomie międzynarodowym, krajowym oraz regionalnym i lokalnym. W dalszej części analizie poddane zostaną główne założenia działań na rzecz solidarności pokoleniowej z wybranych dokumentów projektu cywilizacyjnego "Polska 2030. Trzecia fala nowoczesności". Podsumowanie obejmie rekomendacje praktyczne i badawcze w zakresie polityki rodzinnej i rynku pracy.

The article presents the influence of globalisation on identity and the question of individualisation. Globalisation implies multiple processes that are not uniform, as they occur at different times and in different places. Globalisation impacts the youth, families and cultural systems. The processes of globalisation may contribute to the loss of cultural identity. The diverse nature of globalisation has given rise to new identities. Identity is defined as a process of internal and external adjustment. Concurrently, the challenges posed by globalisation are presented, for instance: identity and freedom of individualisation versus community and belonging. The author explores some of the new challenges and trends, presenting them from selected theoretical perspectives.

Values are such multiform phenomenon that they can be considered in numerous aspects, depending on the point of view and methods of research. They can be considered from the philosopher, psychologist, ethnographer, culture anthropologist, sociologist or economist point of view. However, in the frames of the elaboration, the topic is seen from the pedagogical and psychological aspect of what we call a value. A value can be considered as a phenomenon of choosing an aim, assuming an attitude towards the aim, selection of alternative aspirations in a certain psychological situation, selection of needs, means of action. Assuming a family as a fundamental unit of society we can conclude that values work similarly in a family. Spouses understand each other better when they both assent the same basic values. Common values is the factor of constancy and development of marriage in the periods of crisis. Spouses, thanks to creation a common hierarchy of values, build between them a deep bond, asserting the most important values as the common ones, recognize their differences in the less important ones, as well as they respect each other's variety of the lowest values in their values hierarchy, being aware of their enriching effect on the marital community. All over the world we can deal with values presented by somebody or something. While choosing a certain value a man attributes it to somebody or something and based on it choses between competitive objects. While attributing a value a man uses an evaluation to establish a valence of the object. In other words, we value if we prize certain things more than others. Values can refer to understanding one good for a unit or society, which is worth implementing.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie ewolucji populizmu w Polsce przy użyciu dwóch przykładów partii politycznych: "Samoobrony" Andrzeja Leppera (była to partia populistyczna, która uzyskała największe poparcie w pierwszej dekadzie XXI wieku) oraz ruchu "Kukiz'15" – czarnego konia ostatnich wyborów parlamentarnych. Oba te ugrupowania znakomicie ilustrują demagogię charakterystyczną dla populizmu, związaną z afirmacją narodu, która z kolei nie byłaby możliwa bez anty establishmentowej postawy przywódców politycznych i elektoratu. Porównanie tych dwóch przykładów umożliwiło nam monitorowanie przemian zachodzących w ugrupowaniach populistycznych w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, zwłaszcza w czasach gdy Internet służy jako podstawowy środek komunikacji. W artykule zaprezentowano kolejno alternatywne konceptualizacje idei populizmu, a później – korzystając ze schematu N. Baara (2009) i danych drugorzędnych i podstawowych (dane uzyskane w internetowym poradniku wyborczym "Barometr Wyborczy"), oraz publikacji prasowych – zarysowano różnorodne powiązania występujące między obydwoma ugrupowaniami, co pozwoliło w rezultacie określić nowe, ciekawe cechy populizmu. ; The goal of this paper is to present the evolution of populism in Poland using the examples of two political parties: the "Samoobrona" ("Self-Defense") political party of Andrzej Lepper (a populist party which garnered most support in the first decade of the 21st century) and the "Kukiz '15" movement – the dark horse of the last Polish parliamentary elections. Both of these groups superbly illustrate the demagogy characteristic of populism, linked with an affirmation of the people (nation) which in turn would not be possible without the anti-establishment stance of the political leaders and the electorate. A comparison of these two examples allows us to monitor the transformations occurring in populist groups over the last few years, especially in the age where the Internet is employed as a vital means of communication. The paper presents the alternative conceptualizations of the idea of populism, and moves on to employ the N. Baar scheme (2009) and secondary and primary data (data obtained from the "Barometr Wyborczy" voting advisory application), and press releases to draft various types of correspondence between these two cases, which makes it possible to identify new, interesting characteristics of populism.

Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine– EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.