Suchergebnisse

Eksistensi manusia yang berkelanju tan tergantung pada ketahanan (resilience)-nya, ketangguhan untuk bertahan hidup. Ini berlaku bagi kelompok kecil dan sedang, maupun bagi suku bangsa atau kelompok etnis, bagi bangsa, dan juga bagi spesies. Ketahanan individu sudah diuji semenjak dalam kandungan dan ternyata paling tinggi mulat trimester kedua sebelum lahir dan 6 bulan pertama sesudah lahir pada anak-anak normal. Kemudian ketahanan cenderung menurun, karena individu terlibat dalam usaha adaptasi terus-menerus dengan lingkungannya yang berubah-ubah sepanjang masa. Adaptasi menuntut perubahan biologis Pula pada individu, tetapi pada manusia modern terutama perubahan kultural kelompok lebih penting.Oleh karena itu pada peringkat populasi, ketahanan harus dibantu oleh keputusan-keputusan pemerintah atau organisasi yang menyangkut kebijakan terhadap masyarakat ramai. Keputus­an-keputusan inilah yang mempengaruhi budaya dan, langsung atau tidak langsung, biologi populasi tersebut, termasuk habitat­nya. Pengambilan keputusan mengenai rakyat ban yak adalah tindakan politis, dan kebijakan yang mempengaruhi biologi popu­lasi termasuk ranah biopolitik. Sudah dua dasawarsa biopolitologi secara khusus dipelajari, terutama di Amerika Serikat dan Eropa Barat, Biologi manusia tidak jarang harus dipengaruhi untuk ke­pentingan keamanan, kesejahteraan, kelestarian, keadilan dan perdamaian, hal-hal yang senantiasa menjadi dambaan sebagian besar manusia, terutama pada waktu-waktu yang kritis, seperti pada akhir abad ini, yaitu di zaman atom, konsumsi massal dan eksploatasi global, atau abad kecemasan.

The article introduces the concept of "surveillance-capitalist biopolitics" to problematize the recent expansion of "data extractivism" in health care and health research. As we show, this trend has accelerated during the ongoing Covid pandemic and points to a normalization and institutionalization of self-tracking practices, which, drawing on the "quantified self", points to the emergence of a "quantified collective". Referring to Foucault and Zuboff, and by analyzing key examples of the leading "Big Tech" companies (e.g., Alphabet and Apple), we argue that contemporary forms of digital biopolitics are privatized, opaque, flexible, and not limited to the state. Instead, especially through the integration of wearable technologies, the biopolitical regulation of bodies is increasingly mediated by private tech companies. These companies rely on a questionable narrative of participation, responsibility, and care despite owning, and ultimately controlling, access to intimate health data and the proprietary algorithms mediating this data. The article shows that the proliferation of "surveillance-capitalist biopolitics" ultimately strengthens not only market power but also the epistemic and infrastructural power of the data-owning and gadget-producing firms. Finally, against an exclusively repressive and negative reading of biopolitics, and to effectively counter the forms of power emerging from surveillance-capitalist biopolitics, we propose four dimensions that are central to its democratization—namely privacy/individual sovereignty, democratic deliberation, pluralism, and epistemic equality.

This special issue of NJMR contributes to the field of Nordic migration research by investigating the intersections between migration, affect and biopolitics. Affective biopolitics is a term that grapples with how the construction, policing and maintenance of borders increasingly occur through the structuring and production of emotion or 'affects'. The point is not that affect replaces racism as the caesura between life and death (Foucault 2003). Rather, affective biopolitics examines the connections between affect and racism (Ahmed 2000, 2004b, 2010) which allow for bio- and necropower (Mbembe 2003) to expose some populations to death while other populations are afforded mobility and access to rights and resources.

Vorspann
Impfstoff ist knapp, Impfungen selbst sind nicht ungefährlich und deshalb umstritten. So ist es heute – und so war es im 19. Jahrhundert, als die Präventivmedizin noch in den Kinderschuhen steckte. Malte Thießen, Historiker an der Universität Oldenburg, skizziert die Etappen der langen Impfgeschichte, er bietet in seinem facettenreichen Aufsatz aber sehr viel mehr: Im Zentrum steht der Staat als ambitionierter Akteur umfassender Biopolitik, der zur Immunisierung des "Volkskörpers" lange auf Zwang setzte. Im "Dritten Reich" wandelte sich diese Rolle. Neben den Interventionsstaat trat der Appellationsstaat, der das persönliche Verantwortungsgefühl stimulierte und damit – nolens volens – der Herausbildung des Leitbildes vom "präventiven Selbst" diente, das wir heute kennen.

Artikel ini secara kritis terlibat dengan upaya baru-baru ini untuk membingkai pandemi global COVID-19 sebagai masalah keamanan internasional. Sekuritisasi COVID-19 itu penting, menurut artikel itu, bukan hanya karena itu adalah cara baru untuk mengkonseptualisasikan pandemi COVID-19 global, tetapi juga karena menandai situs kontemporer yang penting untuk penyebaran global ekonomi biopolitik kekuasaan yang berputar. seputar pemerintahan 'kehidupan'. Dimensi biopolitik pada sekuritisasi COVID-19 oleh WHO (World Health Organization ini memainkan serangkaian praktik sosial yang berpotensi memunculkan normalisasi atau new normal yang menurut artikel tersebut, harus dihindari oleh aktor politik internasional dalam upaya mereka untuk menemukan tanggapan yang tepat dan efektif terhadap pandemi global COVID- 19 pandemi. Cara meminimalkan bahaya ini dieksplorasi dalam kesimpulan artikel ini. Kata kunci: Covid-19, biopolitik, biopower, Foucault, normalization securitization, security

The population has increased dramatically in recent years, including in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. Ironically, the large population is not supported by the quality of life. This problem makes the government strive to discipline the community in a nonviolent way through the Keluarga Berencana (KB) program. These efforts are manifested in the policy mechanism which links the health science and political social aspects (biopolitics). The effort to control the population is not only because of the health policy's interest but also as a political-strategic policy. The purpose of this study is providing an analysis of Keluarga Berencana program as the strategy to overcome the health issues and as the implementation of biopolitics. This research uses quantitative methods using document-based literature studies and interviews. In Samarinda, the government has synergized policies and budgets at all level of government, in the form of activities and programs for the establishment of Keluarga Berencana village, decreased the fertility rate, increased number of contraceptive prevalence rate, cooperation and coordination with the Provincial BKKBN and the ministry of health, as well as increasing the quality and quantity of PLKB/PKB, involving Babinsa Koramil and providing free Keluarga Berencana program activities. These activities is an implementation of biopolitical policy to control the population. If there is an imbalance between the population and the burden and ability of the state, then the country will slowly go to the more complex social problems.

The Dream of the Pacific: Bio-Politics and Sexuality in Denis Diderot's Supplément au voyage de BougainvilleAn important issue in the economic debates of the eighteenth century was the concern that the advanced Europeans nations were facing a decline in population. It was assumed that this would have considerable consequences for the economic and military strength of countries like France and England. The idea that the decline was an effect of the European countries' advanced state of civilisation was widespread; accordingly, explorers like James Cook and Louis Antoine de Bougainville were eager to examine the ways in which the societies and cultures they encountered organised sexual reproduction. Informed by the travelers' accounts, and recognising the possible insights these offered for the challenges France was facing, Denis Diderot's Supplément au voyage de Bougainville analyses and discusses the sexual mores of the inhabitants of Tahiti. Taking as its starting point the oblique and slightly idiosyncratic way in which the French philosopher addresses the issue — in the form of an apocryphal "supplement" to Bougainville's account supposedly written by the explorer himself — this essay analyses the way in which Diderot transforms an ethnographic reflection on Polynesian culture into an analysis of the pathologies of his contemporary France from the double perspective of economy and ethics.

The political discourse that has emerged as a consequence of establishing a European regulatory framework for GMOs has not been without problems. This dissertation addresses the political and regulatory challenges created by the development and use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the EU. The underlying hypothesis in the dissertation is that the emergence of a European policy in the field of GMOs has appeared through new reflexive forms of governance. The aim of this research is to understand how these reflexive forms of regulation have emerged and operate within the EU, with a particular focus on the two GMO directives 90/220/EEC and 2001/18/EC. However, the study scrutinises the regulatory regimes from the 1970s onwards by investigating how the regulatory framework regarding GMOs has been developed and implemented in the EU. This is done through an analysis of the notion of 'risk' and the 'precautionary principle' since these concepts have been at the forefront of the GMO regulation debate. The empirical approach focuses on how the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Council as well as other actors and institutions articulate ambivalence, interpretations and uncertainties in the decision-making processes regarding regulative measures for GMOs, with an accent on risk and the precautionary principle. The main empirical material has been documents concerning the inter-institutional process involved in the regulatory process of making the two directives. The analysis indicates that during the process of implementing GMO regulations, new steering strategies have appeared within the EU's decision-making institutions when the objective of the regulation has taken centre stage in political and scientific controversies. ; Den politiska diskursen som har uppstått som en följd av upprättandet av ett europeiskt regelverk för GMO har inte varit utan problem. Denna avhandling behandlar de politiska utmaningar som alstrats av skapandet och tillämpningen av genetiskt modifierade organismer (GMO) inom EU. Den underliggande hypotesen i avhandlingen är att framväxten av en europeisk politik på området för GMO har uppstått genom nya reflexiva regleringsformer. Syftet med denna forskning är att förstå hur reflexiva regleringsformer har uppkommit och opererar inom EU, med särskilt fokus på de två GMO direktiven 90/220/EEG och 2001/18/EG. Studien analyserar lagstiftning från 1970-talet och framåt genom att undersöka hur lagstiftningen om genetiskt modifierade organismer har utvecklats och implementerats i EU. Detta görs genom en analys av begreppen 'risk' och 'försiktighetsprincipen' eftersom dessa begrepp har varit centrala för debatten om GMO lagstiftningen. Den empiriska metoden fokuserar på hur Europeiska kommissionen, Europaparlamentet och Europeiska rådet samt andra aktörer och institutioner har uttryckt ambivalens, tolkningar och osäkerhet i beslutsfattandet gällande reglerings åtgärder för genetiskt modifierade organismer, med tonvikt på risk och försiktighetsprincipen. Det huvudsakliga empiriska materialet är dokument gällande den interinstitutionella processen som ägde rum när de två direktiven skapades. Analysen visar att implementeringen av GMO lagstiftningen har skapat nya styrningsstrategier i synnerhet i de fall där ändamålet med lagstiftningen har varit föremål för politiska och vetenskapliga kontroverser.