Suchergebnisse

Psy-sciences (psychology, psychiatry, psychoanalysis, pedagogy, criminology, special education, etc.) have been connected to politics in diverse ways during the 20th and 21st centuries. Besides episodes in the history of psychoanalysis in politically troubled times, the chapters in the book explore the full variety of "psy" disciplines in dictatorships and authoritarian regimes such as Nazi Germany, East European communist regimes, a Latin-American military dictatorship, and the South African apartheid regime, discussing psychology's role in legitimating and "normalizing" dictatorships. The essays' authors also explain the ideological and political foundations of ideas concerning mental health and illness in Russia, Hungary, post-war Transylvania, and Germany. Currents of critical psychology are also discussed, which try to understand how academic, therapeutic, and everyday psychological knowledge is produced within the power relations of modern—market or state—capitalist societies.

Die Netzbewegung setzt sich ein für Informationsfreiheit, Datenschutz und Netzneutralität, gegen Zensur und Überwachung, kurz: für ein freies Internet. Dabei positionieren sich die Aktivist_innen als Avantgarde der digitalen Gesellschaft. Mit ihrer intersektionalen und hegemonietheoretischen Analyse zeigt die Autorin, wie die Forderungen der Netzbewegung und auch die Akteur_innen selbst gesellschaftlich verortet sind und geht der Frage nach, wie sich soziale Ungleichheit in den politischen Diskurs der digitalen Gesellschaft einschreibt.; The network movement advocates freedom of information, data protection, and net neutrality, against censorship and surveillance, in short: it rallies for a free Internet. The activists position themselves as the avant-garde of digital society. With her intersectional and hegemonic-theoretical analysis, the author shows how the demands of the net movement and the actors themselves are socially localized and examines the question of how social inequality inscribes itself in the political discourse of the digital society.

The work of Pierre Rosanvallon has increasingly found itself at the center of debates in democratic and political theory - although only few of his numerous monographs have thus far been translated from French. This interdisciplinary volume, the first comprehensive collection on his political thought in English, seeks to lay the groundwork for the study of this eminent political thinker and historian. Following a hitherto untranslated opening essay by Rosanvallon, the chapters - written from a variety of disciplinary perspectives including political theory, political science, philosophy, and history - cover a wide range of topics from the history of democracy to sovereignty, populism, and the function of the press in liberal democratic regimes.

Die politische Landschaft der Niederlande wurde viele Jahre lang von drei Strömungen - den Christdemokraten, den Sozialdemokraten und den Liberalen - dominiert. Die Lage veränderte sich ab Mitte der 1960er Jahre: An die Stelle der vorherigen Stabilität trat eine immer grössere Unberechenbarkeit. Auch nahm die politische Zersplitterung zu und seit 2002 verzeichneten populistische Gruppierungen wiederholt Erfolge. Die raschen Veränderungen im Parteienspektrum sorgen bei oberflächlicher Betrachtung für eine Überbewertung der Unterschiede zwischen "damals" und "heute": Der aktuellen Instabilität steht die erstarrte Unbeweglichkeit der Vergangenheit gegenüber. Ein solches Bild ist jedoch eine Vereinfachung, denn auch in früheren Jahren konnten die politischen Spannungen eskalieren, und immer wieder scheiterten Kabinette vorzeitig. Neben allen Veränderungen sind somit auch Kontinuitäten und langfristig wirksame Traditionslinien in der niederländischen Politik zu beobachten. Der Sammelband Eine zersplitterte Landschaft geht auf diese Kontinuitäten und Veränderungen ein, indem er all jene Parteien betrachtet, die im Jahr 2017 in die Zweite Kammer des niederländischen Parlaments gewählt worden sind. Die älteste von ihnen existiert bereits seit beinahe 100 Jahren (SGP), die jüngsten Parteien (DENK und FvD) sind erst kurz vor der Wahl gegründet worden. Fast alle Beiträge sind von Vertretern der wissenschaftlichen Büros der Parteien verfasst worden, wodurch ein einzigartiger Blickwinkel entstanden ist: wissenschaftliche Distanz kombiniert mit einer Betrachtung von "innen heraus".

Este libro está concebido como parte de un amplio proyecto de investigación. Parte de la premisa de que el debate en torno al concepto "pueblo" y la realidad material que éste désigna, no es un ejercicio meramente intelectual que busca responder "cuestiones histôricas muertas" fases ya pasadas que no volverân a reproducirse hoy ni en el futuro. Esto es así porque hace a la misma naturaleza de la realidad de la sociedad capitalista, en tanto modo de producciôn epocal signado por el conflicto clasista. Mientras exista lucha de clases y capitalismo, permanecerá y será reproducido el "populismo". Primer volumen de una obra gênerai cuyos propôsitos más amplios son los de analizar el conflicto entre "clase" y "pueblo" en la tradiciôn marxista suscitada después de la muerte de Engels hasta nuestros días.

Transnational civil society networks have become increasingly important democratizing actors in global politics. Still, the exploration of democracy in such networks remains conceptually and methodologically challenging. Practice theory provides a framework to study democracy as routinized performances even in contexts of fluid boundaries, temporal relations and a diffuse constituency. The author attempts to understand how new forms of democratic practice emerge in the interaction between political actors and their structural environments.

Western military presence wanes in Afghanistan and a transformed security environment challenges borders and stability in Central Asia. This book examines how the tensions relating to the reorganization of external military presence interact with regional states' ambitions and challenge the borders already contested by numerous dividing lines. It studies a complex political landscape across which radical Islam connected with international terrorism is feared to spread as the international mission initiated in the wake of the 9/11 attacks winds down.

À l'instar des formations politiques européennes, les partis politiques français sont confrontés à plusieurs défis et soumis à nombre de tensions à l'aube de ce XXIe siècle, alors même que leur attractivité n'a jamais semblé aussi faible.Longtemps dominée par un agencement autour du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) et de l'Union pour la démocratie française (UDF) à droite, et du parti socialiste (PS) et du parti communiste français (PCF) à gauche, le système de partis a lui-même considérablement évolué sous l'effet de la recomposition de la droite parlementaire, de l'effondrement du parti communiste ou de la percée de nouveaux venus, tels le Front national ou Les Verts. Après la séquence des élections présidentielles et législatives de 2012, cet ouvrage analyse en profondeur l'état de chacun des partis actifs dans le système politique. Comment chacun d'entre eux se positionne-t-il au regard des transformations du fait partisan ? Comment les partis interprètent-ils les mutations auxquelles ils font face ? Comment agissent-ils face à la désaffection qu'ils subissent ? Quelles évolutions idéologiques et organisationnelles connaissent-ils ? Ces questions sont examinées dans ce livre de référence. Les auteurs présentent un tableau d'ensemble original, offrant de manière systématique une analyse des partis à l'œuvre dans le système politique français ; laquelle est complétée par une réflexion sur les grandes transformations de la géographie électorale.

The latter years of the first decade of the twenty-first century were characterised by an enormous amount of challenge and change to Australia and Australians. Australia's part in these challenges and changes is borne of our domestic and global ties, our orientation towards ourselves and others, and an ever increasing awareness of the interdependency of our world. Challenges and changes such as terrorism, climate change, human rights, community breakdown, work and livelihood, and crime are not new but they take on new variations and impact on us in different ways in times such as these. In this volume we consider these recent challenges and changes and how Australians themselves feel about them under three themes: identity, fear and governance. These themes suitably capture the concerns of Australians in times of such change. Identity is our sense of ourselves and how others see us. How is this affected by the increased presence of religious diversity, especially Islamic communities, and increased awareness of moral and political obligations towards Indigenous Australians? How is it affected by our curious but changing relationship with Asia? Fear is an emotional reaction to particular changes and challenges and produces particular responses from individuals, politicians, communities and nations alike; fear of crime, fear of terrorism and fear of change are all considered in this volume.

'Consultation' has become something of a mantra in contemporary governance. Governments well understand that policy occurs in a highly contestable environment in which there are multiple, and often competing interests. They well recognise the political imperative to 'engage' stakeholders in order to manage potential conflict and, hopefully, obtain acceptance for their policies and programs. As a result, politicians and public officials frequently emphasise the need for consultation as an essential element of the deliberative processes underpinning the development of policy or the implementation of programs and services. But, moving beyond the rhetoric of consultation and engagement, how well is it done? In this monograph, Professor Jenny Stewart maps out the principal approaches used by governments to consult with and engage affected communities of interest. Stewart critically assesses the available literature and draws directly upon the experiences of political actors, bureaucrats and community sector organisations in order to identify the 'good, bad, and the ugly' of engagement. Through a judicious use of selected case studies, Stewart distils the essential dilemmas and contradictions inherent in many consultation strategies and highlights their relative strengths and weaknesses. This monograph is a probing and dispassionate analysis of the rationales, methodologies and outcomes of consultation and engagement. It is not intended to be a 'cookbook' or a 'how to' manual for those consulting or the consulted. Nevertheless, there is much here for the policy practitioner, the researcher and members of those 'communities of interest' who might, one day, find themselves the target of engagement.

This book traces a scientific biography and thus reflects the development of gender-sensitive political science: its origins in Critical Theory with its visible connection to its paradigms, political science's preoccupation with work as the central 'crux' of gender-specific theory and politics, the discussion of political socialization as an obstacle and simultaneous starting point for women-specific emancipation, and finally globalization in its significance as an opportunity and danger for a gender-equitable democracy.This is why, for Christine Kulke, this commemorative volume also presents central themes of gender-specific political science: a commemorative volume and a kaleidoscope worth reading.

La lutte contre l'immigration clandestine est aujourd'hui l'une des priorités de l'Union européenne. Volet essentiel d'un projet communautaire de sécurité intérieure, le combat contre les illégaux n'en soulève pas moins d'épineuses questions. La lutte contre l'immigration illégale semble tout d'abord chimérique tant les objectifs fixés excèdent les moyens techniques, humains et financiers disponibles. Ensuite, en rendant le passage vers l'Europe de plus en plus compliqué et dangereux, cette politique provoque indirectement la mort de centaines de migrants chaque année. Elle favorise enfin le déploiement des filières criminelles de trafic et de traite des êtres humains. En bref, loin d'œuvrer à la légitimation de l'Union auprès de ses citoyens par le biais du renforcement de leur sécurité, la politique en matière d'immigration irrégulière risque d'avoir des effets contraires en jetant le doute tout à la fois sur l'efficacité des politiques européennes et sur les valeurs qui les sous-tendent. Pourquoi un projet mené au nom des principes de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ne se voit-il pas davantage remis en cause alors qu'il conduit surtout à une détérioration de la sécurité des migrants ? C'est à cette interrogation que le présent ouvrage entend donner des éléments de réponse, en partant de l'idée que la politique de lutte contre l'immigration clandestine ne peut être réduite à ses objectifs affichés mais doit être resituée dans le cadre plus large du processus d'intégration européenne. En touchant au problème du contrôle des frontières extérieures de l'Union, la lutte contre l'immigration illégale pose en effet la question des frontières symboliques qui définissent les conditions de l'appartenance à un ordre politique déterminé. Elle active des mécanismes d'inclusion et d'exclusion sans lesquels un corps politique ne peut voir le jour et se maintenir. Dans cette perspective, si la stratégie de mise à l'écart des étrangers indésirables répond aux objectifs de contrôle et de sélection des ressortissants des pays tiers autorisés à accéder au territoire des Etats membres, elle participe également à la construction d'une figure inquiétante de l'Autre fondant l'identité européenne sur la peur des clandestins.

Written by a powerful international team of theorists, this book offers a sophisticated analysis of the central political concepts in the light of recent debates in political theory. All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. To address such issues as whether or not development aid is too low, income tax too high, or how to cope with poverty and the distribution of wealth, citizens must develop views on what individuals are entitled to, what they owe to others, and the role of individual choice and responsibility in these areas. These matters turn on an understanding of concepts such as rights, equality and liberty and the ways they relate to each other. People of different political persuasions interpret such key political concepts in different ways. This book introduces students to some of the main interpretations, pointing out their strengths and weaknesses. It covers a broad range of the main concepts employed in contemporary political and theoretical debates. Separate chapters look at liberty, rights, social justice, political obligation, nationalism, punishment, social exclusion, legitimacy, the rule of law, multiculturalism, gender, public and private, democracy, environmentalism, international justice and just war. This book is perfect for students of political theory and political ideology, and indeed anyone approaching political theory for the first time.

This new volume presents a wealth of fresh data documenting and analyzing the different positions taken by governments in the development of the European Constitution. It examines how such decisions have substantial effects on the sovereignty of nation states and on the lives of citizens, independent of the ratification of a constitution. Few efforts have been made to document constitution building in a systematic and comparative manner, including the different steps and stages of this process. This book examines European Constitution-building by tracing the two-level policy formation process from the draft proposal of the European Convention until the Intergovernmental Conference, which finally adopted the document on the Constitution in June 2004. Following a tight comparative framework, it sheds light on reactions to the proposed constitution in the domestic arena of all the actors involved. It includes a chapter on each of the original ten member states and the fifteen accession states, plus key chapters on the European Commission and European Parliament. This book will be of strong interest to scholars and researchers of European Union politics, comparative politics, and policy-making.

Reginald McKenna has never been the subject of scholarly attention. This was partly due to his own preference for appearing at the periphery of events even when ostensibly at the centre, and the absence of a significant collection of private papers. This new book redresses the neglect of this major statesmen and financier partly through the natural advance of historical research, and partly by the discoveries of missing archival material. McKenna's role is now illuminated by his own reflections, and by the correspondence of friends and colleagues, including Asquith, Churchill, Keynes, Baldwin, Bonar Law, MacDonald, and Chamberlain. McKenna's presence at the hub of political life in the first half of the century is now clear: in the radical Liberal governments of 1905–16, where he acted as a lightning conductor for the party; during the war, where he served as the Prime Minister's deputy and the principal voice for restraint in the conduct of the war; and as chairman of the world's largest bank, where until his death in office aged eighty, he prompted progressive policies to deal with the issues of war debt, trade, mass unemployment, and the return to gold.