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EU policy implementation beyond EU borders: case of the Arctic region Climate change is becoming more apparent every year and causing more and more issues. In 2015 United Nations initiated Paris Climate Convention which encouraged to reduce the causes of climate change. European Union has taken this commitment very seriously and launched the European Green Course strategy in 2019. It committed itself to become the world's first climate neutral continent by 2050 as well as a leader in the field of environment protection. This decision encourages changes not only in the member-states national policies but also in policies of external actors. The region which is perhaps the most affected by the climate change is Arctic. However, Arctic states prioritize economic benefits over the fight against climate change, therefore, the EU has a key role to play in ensuring environmental standards and sustainable development in there. The European Union has already tried to become a member of the Arctic Council for Regional Coordination, but its application was rejected. This has led the EU to look for other ways to influence the region through its existing foreign policy and power instruments. The main question of the research is how does EU promote its goals of environmental policy in Arctic region? With an aim to answer the research question Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig theory of external governance is used and 4 hypotheses are raised. The research is conducted based on principles of qualitative content analysis and 46 primary sources were analysed in order to confirm or deny hypotheses. Three countries of Arctic region have been chosen – Canada, Norway and Denmark due to different links to EU and resolved environmental conflicts, which now can be analysed to evaluate actions of EU. Three out of four hypotheses were confirmed. 1) EU uses different methods of governance to effect countries in Arctic region; 2) The more country is institutionalized its relations with EU, the more it implements its environmental policy objectives; 3) The bigger is power asymmetry the more possibility to implement the goals; 4) Competition between EU and external countries causes recognitions and implementation of environmental goals. Additionally, the importance of relations between the region and external actors plays a crucial role in their decision to implement EU rules and norms in the domestic policy. Suggestions for the future research cover amount of actual implementation of EU environmental rules and norms in the region policy and vice versa – how EU policy is impacted by activities and policies of the Arctic region.

EU policy implementation beyond EU borders: case of the Arctic region Climate change is becoming more apparent every year and causing more and more issues. In 2015 United Nations initiated Paris Climate Convention which encouraged to reduce the causes of climate change. European Union has taken this commitment very seriously and launched the European Green Course strategy in 2019. It committed itself to become the world's first climate neutral continent by 2050 as well as a leader in the field of environment protection. This decision encourages changes not only in the member-states national policies but also in policies of external actors. The region which is perhaps the most affected by the climate change is Arctic. However, Arctic states prioritize economic benefits over the fight against climate change, therefore, the EU has a key role to play in ensuring environmental standards and sustainable development in there. The European Union has already tried to become a member of the Arctic Council for Regional Coordination, but its application was rejected. This has led the EU to look for other ways to influence the region through its existing foreign policy and power instruments. The main question of the research is how does EU promote its goals of environmental policy in Arctic region? With an aim to answer the research question Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig theory of external governance is used and 4 hypotheses are raised. The research is conducted based on principles of qualitative content analysis and 46 primary sources were analysed in order to confirm or deny hypotheses. Three countries of Arctic region have been chosen – Canada, Norway and Denmark due to different links to EU and resolved environmental conflicts, which now can be analysed to evaluate actions of EU. Three out of four hypotheses were confirmed. 1) EU uses different methods of governance to effect countries in Arctic region; 2) The more country is institutionalized its relations with EU, the more it implements its environmental policy objectives; 3) The bigger is power asymmetry the more possibility to implement the goals; 4) Competition between EU and external countries causes recognitions and implementation of environmental goals. Additionally, the importance of relations between the region and external actors plays a crucial role in their decision to implement EU rules and norms in the domestic policy. Suggestions for the future research cover amount of actual implementation of EU environmental rules and norms in the region policy and vice versa – how EU policy is impacted by activities and policies of the Arctic region.

EU policy implementation beyond EU borders: case of the Arctic region Climate change is becoming more apparent every year and causing more and more issues. In 2015 United Nations initiated Paris Climate Convention which encouraged to reduce the causes of climate change. European Union has taken this commitment very seriously and launched the European Green Course strategy in 2019. It committed itself to become the world's first climate neutral continent by 2050 as well as a leader in the field of environment protection. This decision encourages changes not only in the member-states national policies but also in policies of external actors. The region which is perhaps the most affected by the climate change is Arctic. However, Arctic states prioritize economic benefits over the fight against climate change, therefore, the EU has a key role to play in ensuring environmental standards and sustainable development in there. The European Union has already tried to become a member of the Arctic Council for Regional Coordination, but its application was rejected. This has led the EU to look for other ways to influence the region through its existing foreign policy and power instruments. The main question of the research is how does EU promote its goals of environmental policy in Arctic region? With an aim to answer the research question Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig theory of external governance is used and 4 hypotheses are raised. The research is conducted based on principles of qualitative content analysis and 46 primary sources were analysed in order to confirm or deny hypotheses. Three countries of Arctic region have been chosen – Canada, Norway and Denmark due to different links to EU and resolved environmental conflicts, which now can be analysed to evaluate actions of EU. Three out of four hypotheses were confirmed. 1) EU uses different methods of governance to effect countries in Arctic region; 2) The more country is institutionalized its relations with EU, the more it implements its environmental policy objectives; 3) The bigger is power asymmetry the more possibility to implement the goals; 4) Competition between EU and external countries causes recognitions and implementation of environmental goals. Additionally, the importance of relations between the region and external actors plays a crucial role in their decision to implement EU rules and norms in the domestic policy. Suggestions for the future research cover amount of actual implementation of EU environmental rules and norms in the region policy and vice versa – how EU policy is impacted by activities and policies of the Arctic region.

EU policy implementation beyond EU borders: case of the Arctic region Climate change is becoming more apparent every year and causing more and more issues. In 2015 United Nations initiated Paris Climate Convention which encouraged to reduce the causes of climate change. European Union has taken this commitment very seriously and launched the European Green Course strategy in 2019. It committed itself to become the world's first climate neutral continent by 2050 as well as a leader in the field of environment protection. This decision encourages changes not only in the member-states national policies but also in policies of external actors. The region which is perhaps the most affected by the climate change is Arctic. However, Arctic states prioritize economic benefits over the fight against climate change, therefore, the EU has a key role to play in ensuring environmental standards and sustainable development in there. The European Union has already tried to become a member of the Arctic Council for Regional Coordination, but its application was rejected. This has led the EU to look for other ways to influence the region through its existing foreign policy and power instruments. The main question of the research is how does EU promote its goals of environmental policy in Arctic region? With an aim to answer the research question Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig theory of external governance is used and 4 hypotheses are raised. The research is conducted based on principles of qualitative content analysis and 46 primary sources were analysed in order to confirm or deny hypotheses. Three countries of Arctic region have been chosen – Canada, Norway and Denmark due to different links to EU and resolved environmental conflicts, which now can be analysed to evaluate actions of EU. Three out of four hypotheses were confirmed. 1) EU uses different methods of governance to effect countries in Arctic region; 2) The more country is institutionalized its relations with EU, the more it implements its environmental policy objectives; 3) The bigger is power asymmetry the more possibility to implement the goals; 4) Competition between EU and external countries causes recognitions and implementation of environmental goals. Additionally, the importance of relations between the region and external actors plays a crucial role in their decision to implement EU rules and norms in the domestic policy. Suggestions for the future research cover amount of actual implementation of EU environmental rules and norms in the region policy and vice versa – how EU policy is impacted by activities and policies of the Arctic region.

Straipsnyje keliami du tarpusavyje susije klausimai. Pirma, kokia yra Baltijos valstybiu vieta Rusijos saugumo vaizdiniuose. Antra, kaip Balti-jos valstybes susidoroja su neigiamu Rusijos suvokimu. Siame straipsnyje teigiama, kad Rusijos ir triju Baltijos valstybiu abipusio reprezentavimo ir saveikos problemas geriausiai galima suprasti atskleidziant siu valstybiu erdves suvokima, kuris visu pirma formuoja poziuri i artimiausia aplinka, taigi ir savo kaimynus. Sis suvokimas, kylantis ir is istoriniu reprezentaci-ju, pagrindzia ir pateikia issamu, objektyvizuota saves ir 'kito' suvokima. Taigi siekiama parodyti, kaip itemptus ir nepasitikejimo kupinus Rusijos ir triju Baltijos valstybiu santykius veikia susiduriantys ir konfliktuojantys savo vietos tarptautineje politikoje apibudinimai ir is ju kylantys veiksmai. Si ide-ja straipsnyje atskleidziama, pirma, ispletojant teorines prielaidas, kad yra teritorijos, tapatybes ir sienu rysys, ir is to kylancius kaimynystes analizes principus, antra, parodant, kaip Rusija ir trys Baltijos valstybes savo uzsie-nio politika isreiskia, formuluoja ir dar karta itvirtina savo erdvini tapatybini pasaulevaizdi. Isvadose parodoma, kaip skirtingu ir vienas kita neutralizuoti bandanciu pasaulevaizdziu susidurimas formuoja dvisales The article raises two interconnected questions: first, what is the place of three Baltic States in Russia's security image, and second, how Baltic States cope with their own negative perception of Russia. The proposed idea is that the problems of mutual representation and interaction can be understood analysing the conceptualisations of space, which influences the way in which the closest environment, including the neighbours, is approached. This representation, together with historical narratives, formulates and justifies the comprehensive, consistent, and objectivised self and the other. Thus, the goal is to show how the tense relations between Russia and Baltic States, full of mistrust, can be explained as a clash between two conflicting geo-spatial views. This idea is developed, first, by presenting the theoretical assumptions on the relation among territory, identity, and borders and the principles of the neighbourhood analysis, and second, by demonstrating how the spatial representation by Russia and Baltic States is formulated and supported in their spatial identity and foreign policy practices. In the conclusions, the answer is given as to how this clash between the two different and competing understandings is reflected in the bilateral interactions and how these insights allow contributing to the analysis of the foreign policy of the states. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to review & evaluate the condition & the development perspectives of the relations between the EU & its Eastern neighbors. The problem is analyzed in the context of the recent discussion on the "Broader Europe" concept. The current dominant model of the relations between the EU & Eastern Europe countries is described in the article using the "circular discourse" & "circular interaction" terms. This article is aimed to reveal the initial theoretical & geo/political preconditions that helped this model to become the dominant theoretical & practical approach in the field of EU -- East Europe relations, to uncover the logics of its functioning & the implications of its realization to Lithuania & the other new EU member states. Adapted from the source document.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The main concepts used to explain the theme: The Shengen area – the territory of countries which have signed the Shengen Agreement. This area is special that its outer borders are preserved very carefully and control of inner borders of this area is abolished. The Shengen Agreement – agreement of some European Union countries about progressively declining of borders control because of realization people free moving. This Agreement was signed on 14 June in 1985 under initiative of Chancellor of Germany Helmut Kohl and the President of France Francois Mitterand by Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherland, France and Federal Republic Germany in Shengen. Border guard, control and surveillance are a relevant topic in every country. It should be mentioned, that when the country has borders with other countries, it has created the policy, legal and institutional basis for the control and surveillance of its border that secures social, political, legal, economical, cultural and scientific interests of the citizens of that country. There are two border concepts in the European Union – internal and external borders. The co-operation of the member states, based on the integrated border management concept, is oriented to the common attempt to control and secure the external border carrying out various joint operations and projects. The analysis of the guidelines of cooperation of the EU member states in the field of external border surveillance and evaluation of the effectiveness of this cooperation is being carried out using the researches, Shengen acquis, the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Treaty of Rome, the Treaty of Lisbon, etc. ; Šengeno erdvėje nėra pasienio kontrolės prie vidaus sienų, todėl išorės sienos kontrolė yra ypač svarbi. Europos Sąjungos (toliau ES), Šengeno valstybėse narėse yra sukurtas ir naudojamas integruotas sienų saugumo modelis, apimantis tam tikras veiklos sritis (dimensijas), pavadintas keturiais filtrais. Panaikinus vidaus sienų kontrolę, laisvo asmenų judėjimo principas įgyvendinamas valstybių narių teritorijoje, tarp jų ir Lietuvos. Tai reiškia, kad Lietuvos sienų kontrolės lygis turi įtakos visos Šengeno erdvės saugumo užtikrinimui, todėl būtina nuolat taikyti įvairias priemones, tarp jų ir teisines, skirtas tobulinti integruotą sienų valdymą tiek Lietuvos, tiek ES mastu. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad skirtingos valstybės narės turi garantuoti išorės sienų saugumą, galimi nacionalinių įstatymų ir administracinės praktikos skirtumai. Todėl aktualu išnagrinėti, kaip Lietuvoje praktiškai taikomas ES integruotas sienų saugumo modelis, koks yra jo teisinis reguliavimas, išskirti su sienų kontrole susijusių teisės aktų problemas ir pateikti siūlymus bei rekomendacijas joms spręsti.

Summary. The object of this research is to understand the territorialization process in the 14 - 16 centuries Grand Duches of Lithuania (GDL) and to find out the connect of the state territory and ruling class. First of all, bared on historiography we will try to find out the common formation process of the territorial state in Middle age. This will help to choose other criterions. In the second chapter GDL territorialization process is analized widely. The first stage in this process was determined by neighbour countries, such as Mazovia and the Teutonic Order. The Order, being aktiv territorial state, stimulated the interest of borders delimitation with GDL. The biggerst act of delimitation take part at the time of Great duke Vytautas. At the time of the latter rule the first Border between GDL and Order appears. In the third decade of the 15th century was passed to borde renovation process. The end of the process wan in 16 century. But, the border renovation process at the 16th century very intensive. It depend on inside colonization control. The collision of both borderland dvellers modificated state border. In 1545 the border between GDL and Prussiae was estabilished and the colomn with state coat of arm and inscription was made. It shows the concepsio of the state territory border. In the 16th century state line border appears. It's traits: populated borderland; detailed border marking; borders have to correspond to all social classes land limits; borders should have state and political mening. 1536, 1548 the borders between GDL and Polland was formed. Limitation was inspired by the inside colonization control. East GDL territorialization process coincided with Moscow state's rise and aim to get bock Ruthenianland. Although, the first agreement in this part were known from the Vytautas time. Territorialization process in the Est part is much in common as in the West. But in this part, marking the border, importand place played "the old" territorial division. Marking state border (between Moscow state and GDL) they usually conformed with the old land part. In the 16th century in the east part of GDL the delimitation process take part with the Turkey nad Tartar states. As the result of all these rprocesses GDL at the middle of the 16th century became a territorial state with clearely marked state boundaries.

Summary. The object of this research is to understand the territorialization process in the 14 - 16 centuries Grand Duches of Lithuania (GDL) and to find out the connect of the state territory and ruling class. First of all, bared on historiography we will try to find out the common formation process of the territorial state in Middle age. This will help to choose other criterions. In the second chapter GDL territorialization process is analized widely. The first stage in this process was determined by neighbour countries, such as Mazovia and the Teutonic Order. The Order, being aktiv territorial state, stimulated the interest of borders delimitation with GDL. The biggerst act of delimitation take part at the time of Great duke Vytautas. At the time of the latter rule the first Border between GDL and Order appears. In the third decade of the 15th century was passed to borde renovation process. The end of the process wan in 16 century. But, the border renovation process at the 16th century very intensive. It depend on inside colonization control. The collision of both borderland dvellers modificated state border. In 1545 the border between GDL and Prussiae was estabilished and the colomn with state coat of arm and inscription was made. It shows the concepsio of the state territory border. In the 16th century state line border appears. It's traits: populated borderland; detailed border marking; borders have to correspond to all social classes land limits; borders should have state and political mening. 1536, 1548 the borders between GDL and Polland was formed. Limitation was inspired by the inside colonization control. East GDL territorialization process coincided with Moscow state's rise and aim to get bock Ruthenianland. Although, the first agreement in this part were known from the Vytautas time. Territorialization process in the Est part is much in common as in the West. But in this part, marking the border, importand place played "the old" territorial division. Marking state border (between Moscow state and GDL) they usually conformed with the old land part. In the 16th century in the east part of GDL the delimitation process take part with the Turkey nad Tartar states. As the result of all these rprocesses GDL at the middle of the 16th century became a territorial state with clearely marked state boundaries.

The paper will examine the model for the creation of a 'Greater Croatia' designed by the Croatian noblemen, publicist and historian Pavao Ritter Vitezović (1652–1713). Many historians have viewed Vitezović's political thought and his developed ideological framework of a united south slavic state as part of a wider pan-slavic world. according to the prevailing notion, Vitezović was a precursor of the idea of 'yugoslavism' (a united southern slav nation state) and even 'Pan-slavism', a pan-slavic cultural and political reciprocity. Yet a closer look at Vitezović and his contemporaries' writings suggests an lternative model for outlining the borders of modern ethnic states among the southern slavs. Vitezović argued for the creation of a Croat national state, based on the integration of the Croat 'ethnic territories' and their consolidation along ethno-linguistic lines. The analysis of Vitezović's understanding of nationhood explains how the borders of an envisioned early modern Croat ethnic state had been perceived as including vast territories from the adriatic sea to Moscow and from the Baltic sea to the Black sea. in this respect Vitezović's views on the Lithuanians and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth will show that the argument used to substantiate his claims for a Croatian nation state was based on an ethno-linguistic kinship.