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THE AUTHOR EXPLORES THE CORRUPTING NATURE OF BOURGEOIS SOCIETY AS CHARGED BY ROUSSEAU. THE CORRUPTION, HE ARGUES, IS DISUNITY OF SOUL, THROUGH WHICH MEN LOSE THE FULLNESS OF EXISTENCE THEY SEEK BY NATURE. THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES THE ATTAINMENT OF PSYCHIC AND SOCIAL UNITY THROUGH PATRIOTISM AND VIRTUE IN THE JUST STATE.

The heart of Rousseau's thought, as he himself declared, is the claim that society (especially bourgeois society), while necessary now to man's preservation, corrupts the life it fosters. What, then, is this corruption? What, in Rousseau's view, is the problem of bourgeois society? The corruption, I argue, is disunity of soul, through which men lose the fullness of existence they seek by nature. Unity of soul, which is natural, is lost in society through the contradiction of personal dependence: using others entails serving them. Thus modern or bourgeois society, which builds on this contradiction by deriving men's sociability from their selfishness, necessarily divides their souls. There can be no psychic unity in society without true social unity. (Hence Rousseau's analysis of unity is also his defense of justice.) Psychic and social unity are more or less attainable in the just state through patriotism and virtue ("morality"), but perfect psychic unity is possible only beyond society and morality.

In modern bourgeois society Christianity has lost to a considerable extent its transcendentalism, and its social doctrine comes to the fore. In the race of social antagonism in that society, the ideological struggle or the two social systems in the world, the wide dissemination of socialist and communist ideas, religious organizations concentrate their activities more and more on social problems. Being considered as one of social and cultural values in bourgeois society, religion acquires political significance in the ideological struggle ant it is used, therefore, as an ideological weapon in the fight against communist ideology. ; Šiuolaikinėje buržuazinėje visuomenėje krikščionybė prarado savo transcendentinį matmenį ir į pirmą vietą iškilo jos socialinė doktrina. Veikiant šios visuomenės socialiniams antagonizmams, vykstant dviejų pasaulinių socialinių sistemų kovai bei plintant socializmo ir komunizmo idėjoms, religinės organizacijos savo veiklą vis labiau kreipia link socialinių problemų sprendimo. Religija, būdama viena iš pripažintų socialinių ir kultūrinių buržuazinės visuomenės vertybių, ideologinėje kovoje įgyja politinę reikšmę ir dėl to panaudojama kaip ideologinis įrankis kovoje prieš komunizmą. Kova už kapitalistinės santvarkos išsaugojimą vaizduojama kaip kova už religinių pažiūrų laisvę. Religija dažnai tampa nacionalinių vertybių pripažinimo išraiška, piliečių lojalumo egzistuojančiai politinei santvarkai požymiu. Viešpataujanti klasė religijos dėka siekia atitraukti darbo žmonių dėmesį nuo išnaudotojiškos santvarkos socialinių, politinių ir ekonominių prieštaravimų.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Half Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- Ravachol -- A Narrative -- Ravachol's Forbidden Speech -- My Principles -- Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité -- For Ravachol -- La Ravachole -- Eulogy for Ravachol -- Guillotinade -- Ravachol's Laugh -- The Little Ravachols Will Grow Up -- Auguste Vaillant -- The Interrogation of Vaillant -- Vaillant's Courtroom Speech -- Émile Henry -- Émile Henry's Indictment -- La Rue des Bons-Enfants -- The Courtroom Interrogation of Émile Henry -- Émile Henry's Defense Speech -- Letter to the Director of the Conciergerie -- For Émile Henry -- Émile Henry -- Santo Caserio -- The Trial of Santo Caserio -- Caserio's Defense Speech -- Coda: Simon Radowitzky -- About the Author.

Los estudios políticos -entendidos como parte de la filosofía moral o de la doctrina del Estado- poseen una larga tradición en Alemania. A lo largo de la especialización de las ciencias en el siglo XIX, particularmente bajo la influencia del positivismo jurídico, la ciencia política ha sido relegada cada vez más al olvido como disciplina independiente. (El autor de este estudio ha descrito más detalladamente este proceso; que no se limita a Alemania, en su libro Politik und praktische Philosophie. Eine Studie zur Rekonstruktion der politischen Wissenschaft, Neuwied, Luchterhand, 1963; edición española: Política y filosofía práctica, Buenos Aires, Editorial Sur, 1973). Después de la segunda guerra mundial la ciencia política alemana -en gran parte fomentada por motivos pedagógicos, como contribución a la reducación- experimentó un nuevo auge. Concentrada en gran medida en problemas alemanes hasta hace poco suscitó escaso interés internacional. Sólo la preocupación universal por el neomarxismo, particularmente la «teoría crítica» de la «Escuela de Frankfurt», ha cambiado la situación. En el congreso anual de la Asociación Alemana de Ciencia Política celebrado el 7 y 8 de octubre de 1975 en Duisburg, ha habido una polémica considerable más allá de las fronteras de Alemania acerca de las tesis de la «Escuela de Frankfurt», representada por Jürgen Habermas (Legitimationsprobleme im Spätkapitalismus, 1973) sobre la crisis de la legitimidad del Estado burgués en el «capitalismo tardío». Reproducimos la ponencia inaugural. Wilhelm Hennis es Profesor de Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Friburgo de Brisgovia.

How did the French Revolution change ordinary lives? "Bureaucrats and Bourgeois Society" asks this question in relation to office clerks working in Parisian administrations. Under new masters, these clerks faced radical changes to work practices as reforming politicians looked to implement new 'administrative science'. Many also faced the loss of family inheritances, as positions no longer passed down from father to son. Clerks were now expected to make their career as individuals. In practice, this meant increased job insecurity. Administrators lived under the threat of regular cuts in pay and of personnel. In this situation, some believed that the way to get ahead was by playing office politics. In the early nineteenth century, however, clerks mitigated their situation by modifying occupational practices. Inside the offices, they settled new modes of judging individual merit. Outside, they accumulated other forms of individual credit, in the process helping to define nineteenth-century bourgeois social capital, ideals of emulation, honor, and masculinity. Job insecurity, however, continued to set 'bureaucrats' apart from the bourgeoisie and their social identity came under question during the July Monarchy and 1848 Revolution

The rejection of theory is expressed by the affirmation of subjectivity, which is the essence of bourgeois thought. Within the Movement, the rise of subjectivity against an unfeeling Marxist dogma was progressive, but its exclusive pursuit threatens to be regressive. The alternatives of pure subjectivity & pure objectivity must be rejected in favor of a dialectical logic that restores a balance. The abstract slogans raised by leftists for "equality" represent bourgeois thought in both its progressive & regressive forms--in its democratic content against feudal privilege, equality is progressive, but in its domination by "free" market exchange mechanisms, equality is regressive. Devoid of quality or content, abstract demands for equality further capitalism's own task of penetrating, extending & levelling; these demands perpetuate oppression rather than end it. Movement people who subjectively call for the abolition of the monogamous family, of obscure theory, & of positions of leadership in an emotional manner to break down privilege & exclusion often fail to grasp the dialectical content: monogamy is not simply mutual oppression but an attempt at a sustained relationship; theory is not just elitist thought but a necessary tool for insight into objective reality; & leadership is not only a situation of manipulation but a rational form of organization. Under the influence of subjectivity & immediacy, social analysis decays into group loyalty & advocacy. A concrete subject-object dialectic must be advanced & applied to existing struggles & issues. A. Karmen.

A well-written, stimulating...piece of scholarship. In a major re-evaluation of the cultural, political, and sociological assumptions about the ""peculiar"" course of modern German history, the authors challenge the widely-held belief that Germany did not have a Western-style bourgeois revolution. Contending that it did indeed experience one, but that this had little to do with the mythical rising of the middle class, the authors provide a new context for viewing the tensions and instability of 19th-and early 20th-century Germany