Suchergebnisse

An academic boycott consists in the systematic withholding of normal professional relations from academics as a means to achieving some goal, typically either punishment or the bringing about some change in behavior or policy. Our purpose in this paper is to assess the moral permissibility of academic boycotts. Our conclusion will be that there is a strong presumption against such boycotts. However, this presumption is ultimately defeasible, and we shall provide an explicit discussion of its defeasibility conditions. Adapted from the source document.

Argues against boycotts of academic institutions & individuals by scholars or others, in particular against Israeli entities, presenting some general principles, but also referring occasionally to the case of the Gujarat genocide in India. Five alternatives to boycotts are outlined: censure, organized public condemnation, failure to reward, helping the harmed, & vigilance on behalf of truth. Boycotts are next discussed, distinguishing two, economic & symbolic, finding the latter lacking value, & arguing that in most cases one of the five alternatives are more appropriate means of protest. Attention is then given to problems with the case for boycotting Israeli academic institutions & individuals, citing issues of academic freedom. It is contended that boycotts of academic individuals compromises the core values of universities. Some suggestions other boycotts are offered to those scholars who wish to protest Israeli government actions or actions of an Israeli academic institution or individual. D. Edelman

Pamphlet designed to elicit support from white residents in Grahamstown, in supporting the boycott of white-owned businesses as called by the residents of the "Grahamstown's African townships". The boycott was the third in 1985, and was intended to achieve specific outcomes, such as the end to the State of Emergency, the release of political detainees, and the lifting of the ban on public meetings.

It is difficult to see what is accomplished by a symbolic boycott that cannot be more effectively accomplished by one of the alternatives, such as censure or organized public protest. Censure makes a clear statement of exactly who has done what wrong to whom, and it is also voted on by a group, in the typical case, so it is also very clear who supports it. Boycotts have neither type of clarity. It is not clear what the reason for the boycott is, and indeed each individual may join the boycott for different reasons. I suspect in the case of Israel it would not be easy to find a single account of the reasons behind the boycott that would command the agreement of its participants. Nor is it clear who is doing it: in this case there are journals, professional associations, and individuals, all forming a loosely linked movement, and nothing as crisp as a voted-on resolution of censure. Organized public protest also has a superior clarity, because each group involved issues its own public statements, signed by its own officers or representatives, and so we know both who is speaking and what they are saying.

A historical review of Olympic Games boycotts begins with comments on the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games vis-a-vis the 1936 Berlin Games & the boycotts of the late 1970s-early-1980s. It is asserted that domestic & international agendas can influence governments to avoid Olympic boycotts & that arguments about the political neutrality of sports are fraught with contradiction. Attention is given to Avery Brundage, president of the US Olympic Committee & eventual head of the International Olympic Committee, who fought the 1936 boycott & battled the politicization of the Games via an ever-more resistant "Olympism" discourse. Brundage's responses to boycott issues are seen to run the gamut from commonsensical to distasteful; however, his staunch belief in the autonomy of sports, first displayed in his effort to prevent the Berlin boycott, is viewed as having sustained the Olympic Games through the Cold War & decolonization. Brundage's 1960s anti-boycott alliance with Olympian Jesse Owens is then recounted. It is concluded that only governments make Olympic boycotts happen, major boycotts ultimately have little impact, Brundage seems an unsavory sort of character, anti-boycott stances result in strange bedfellows, & the Games survival hinges on the ludicrous idea of their political neutrality. In this light, some closing remarks are offered on the debates on the Beijing Games. Adapted from the source document.

This book tells the story of the black consumer boycott of Boksburg in protest against the resegration of municipal facilities there. It looks at the economic consequences and also examines critically the strategies and tactics used by the boycotters, who mostly live in the neighbouring African and coloured townships of Vosloorus and Reiger Park. The implications of the Conservative parties are scrutinised, along with the role of local businessmen, both black and white