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Прихвативши понуду краља Александра Обреновића да образује владу Србије, Стојан Новаковић је, јула 1895. године, планирао да се посвети побољшању међународног положаја Србије и положаја српског народа у Старој Србији и Македонији. Рачунајући на помоћ Русије и на тешкоће које је Турска имала у решавањима јерменског и критског питања, Новаковић је настојао да од Порте изнуди просветне и верске привилегије за Србе у Старој Србији и Македонији. Немогућност бржег решавања финансијских и уставних питања, нестабилна политичка ситуација у Краљевини и аустроугарски утицаји довели су до пада Новаковићеве владе крајем 1896. године. Свака из угла својих интереса, Француска и Велика Британија пажљиво су пратиле и анализирале ситуацију у Србији и Новаковићев рад. ; Stojan Novaković's government (July 1895 – December 1896) faced numerous inherited problems. As a scholar, a diplomat and a politician, a man led by moral and scientific principles and national interests, Stojan Novaković was aware that he was taking reigns of a country which was not politically, economically nor militarily ready to make major stopes towards national liberation and unification. That is why he was resorting to negotiations in situation where he knew there would be no major achievements. He was resisting much more when he knew it made sense, and in situations in which he could not swallow national pride and ignore facts. British and, especially, French envoys to Belgrade knew that the reason for instability of Novaković's government was not in his undisputed political and intellectual capacities, but in international circumstances, internal political struggles, and in unpredictable characters of former King Milan and his son Aleksandar. Britain, who was protecting its interests from Russia in the Easter Mediterranean by supporting Austria-Hungary, and France who, in cooperation with Russia, tried to prevent major conflicts in the Balkans, did not take an active role in directing the policy of Kingdom of Serbia. London, with its sometimes harsh warnings, and Paris, with its advices, were managing to draw Belgrade's attention to the fact that, in spite of Armenian and Cretan question, and in spite of Albanian atrocities in Old Serbia and Macedonia, Serbia should not take any aggressive measures. ; Научни скупови / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 172. Председништво ; књ. 11

Under the oppressive Serb-dominated regime of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, A. Moskov became an ardent Croatian nationalist. After he was forced to emigrate in 1933, he joined the Ustashe movement and pledged his allegiance to A. Pavelic. In 1941, after the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was proclaimed, Moskov returned to Croatia and became a prominent member of the Croatian military. After the dissolution of the NDH, he was captured by the British forces and extradited to Tito's communists. Even though the circumstances of his death are not preserved, he was undoubtedly sentenced to death by communist military tribunal in 1948. (SOI : CSP: S. 150)

In this article, which is based primarily on unpublished Swiss diplomatic sources, the development of relations between the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Swiss Confederation is brieflv described, especially with regard to the question of diplomatic recognition of the NDW. Available archival Sources do not support the conclusion that Berlin or Rome was advocating recognition of NDH by any means possible. but that Croatian authorities were seeking dejure recognition for a variety of reasons. Officially, Bern rebuffed these requests, partly due to its traditional policy of neutralit,, and partly because the British embassy pressured the Swiss by warning them that recognition of NDH could be construed as open allegiance with the Axis. Consequently, the result of Croatian-Swiss discussions, in which the Swiss consulate in Zagreb played an important part, was an oral agreement extending informal relations between the two states. especially economic and financial relations. Nevertheless, Croatia was allowed, through the auspices of the permanent trade delegation in Zurich, to carry out limited consular activities. In this regard, it is impo[tant to mention that Croatian interest in Switzerland was motivated by a desire to form a possible bridge to the western allies. (SOI : CSP: S. 278)

Branimir Altgayer was the most prominent Croatian of German nationality in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but he was especially so during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. Altgayer was born December 8, 1897 in the town of Przekopane (Galicia), where his father (born in Osijek) served as an Austro-Hungarian cavalry lieutenant. Altgayer spent his childhood in Slavonia, where he was brought up in a Croatian cultural atmosphere. After completing Croatian public school in Kutjevo and Croatian Gymnasium in Osijek and Zemun, he attended an Austro-Hungarian cavalry cadet school in Moravia between 1912 and 1915. He was an officer (ensign) in the Austro-Hungarian army (after 1915) until the end of the first world war, serving on the Russian, Rumanian, and Italian fronts. He was wounded twice and decorated several times. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes he was a cavalry captain (first class) of the Royal army. Following four years of service, he resigned. He worked at various civilian occupations for a time, but returned to the military between 1924 and 1927. He was very active in the cultural and political life of the German minority of Osijek and Slavonia. He was selected to the united council of the German minority association, the Kulturbund of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Schwäbisch-Deutscher Kulturbund), in December 1934. He was a prominent representative of the so-called Renewal movement (Erneuerungsbewegung), a radical current in the Kulturbund. Following a conflict between the old leaders of the Germans in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Renewalists which occasioned a split in the Kulturbund, Altgayer and the Renewalists are ejected from the Kulturbund for insubordination. At the beginning of 1936 he established a cultural and charitable organization for Germans of Slavonia in Osijek (Kultur-und Wohlfahrtsvereinigung der Deutschen in Slavonien). In January, 1939, he became a regional leader (Gauobmann) of the Germans in Slavonia (following the re-admittance of the Renewalists to the Kulturbund at the end of 1938). In early 1939, he leaves the Yugoslavian Radical Union, whose city councilor he was in Osijek, and joins the Croatian peasant party. After the creation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) in 1941, he was named leader of the German National Assembly for the NDH (Volksgruppenführer). From December 1941 he was director of state for the presidency of the NDH, but after January 1943 he was secretary of state for the same, and he was likewise promoted to the rank of reserve colonel in the Ustasha army. He was decorated by Leader of the Ustasha Dr. Ante Pavelic with the title "knight". For a short time in mid-1943 he went to the Eastern Front. At the end of the second world war he was deported to Yugoslavia from Austria by the British. In 1950, the district court of Zagreb sentenced him to death by firing squad. The sentence was carried out May 15, 1950. The investigative material of the Office of State Security (UDB-a) concerning Altgayer, especially the transcript of the trial from 1949, is an excellent source of information about the German minority in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the thirties and during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 638)