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AbstractEffective relations between states and business have been increasingly identified as an important institution for sustaining economic development. This paper constructs quantitative indices measuring the quality of state–business relations (SBRs) across Indian states in the 1985–2008 period. It represents the first effort to systematically characterise SBRs across sub‐national units within a country without resorting to subjective surveys. We discuss the possible sensitivity of the indices to minor and major definitional changes and examine the evolution of SBRs across Indian states and at the national level through the study of cross‐sectional and secular trends in these indices. The results suggest that SBRs have improved over time in all states barring Bihar. Rankings of states in terms of the SBR index show varying time trends—stable and high ranks for states like Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu, stable and low ranks for states like Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, rapidly improving ranks for states like Haryana, Punjab and Rajasthan and swift deterioration in ranks for states like Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In the 1990s, post-socialist states faced a critical dilemma: how to privatize and transform thousands of firms in the absence of domestic entrepreneurs with enough capital to assume control of the state's industrial patrimony. In the fifteen years of post-socialism, the elites created by the processes of transformation have been a decisive force in the economic and political development of Eastern Europe. Yet few studies focus on these early winners of reform. This article explores the interactions between the new economic elite, their firms, and the Polish state to construct a multilayered framework of state-society relations in post-communism. It concludes that the structure of state-firm relations and heightened political pluralism was crucial in limiting the predatory behavior of the new economic elite during the period of restructuring and privatization despite. This was critical in avoiding the rampant corruption present in other post-socialist countries and placed Poland on a markedly different path.

When the state and business interact effectively they can promote a more efficient allocation of scarce resources, appropriate industrial policy and a more effective and prioritised removal of key obstacles to growth, than when the two sides fail to co-operate or engage in harmful collusion. This book, based on original empirical research undertaken in Africa and India, addresses what constitutes the effectiveness of state-business relations, what explains their formation and evolution over time and whether effective state-business relations matter for economic performance.Analysing.

For the further development of Russian-Chinese cooperation, it is fundamentally important to understand fully the specific characteristics of the political, economic and social system of this country, which, in particular, is determined by the established system of the state — business relations.Aim. To identify the specifics of the model of relations between government and business, which has developed in the PRC during the period of economic reforms and is one of the most important aspects of the "Chinese miracle".Tasks. To determine the applicability of Western models of state and business relations to Chinese realities, to characterize the main basic principles and approaches to the regulation of relations between the state and business, to identify problems, contradictions and prospects for their resolution in the conditions of modern China.Methods. System and comparative analysis, scientific generalization, expert assessments.Results. The specific characteristics of the state-business relations model in the country are determined, on the one hand, by the polymorphous nature of the Chinese state, on the other — by the formation of business as a hybrid actor. In this regard, it is, in our opinion, incorrect to see the state-business relations in China as uniform or dominated by a specific form of interaction. In reality, these relations are heterogeneous and vary not only depending on regions and sectors, but also "uneven" across different types of business actors within the same sector and/or region, as a result of which different types of businesses have different degrees of closeness to the state and subnational authorities.Conclusion. The system, historically formed under the influence of decisions and actions of the ruling party at various stages of the development of modern Chinese statehood, despite its complexity and often confusion, nevertheless allows the government to maneuver flexibly in the situations of serious economic and financial shocks caused by both economic and socio-political factors.

AbstractBy comparison with most African countries, post‐apartheid South Africa appears to be characterised by growth‐oriented cooperation between state and business. Economic growth has remained weak, however, and income poverty persists as the economy continues down an inegalitarian growth path that fails to reduce unemployment and thus has little effect on poverty. This paper argues that the appearance of close state‐business relations is misleading: selectively pro‐market public policies have not reflected a pro‐business orientation on the part of the state. The governing African National Congress concurred with established business on the need for increased productivity and selective state interventions in a mixed economy. But most of the political elite overestimated the commandist powers of the state in the short‐term, viewed established South African business with deep suspicion if not hostility, and was unwilling to deliberate or negotiate on distributional issues in either formal bilateral or corporatist institutions, or even informally. The state sought to discipline and transform business, not work with it. Unable to sustain an active growth coalition, a pro‐poor, developmental coalition was far out of reach. The politics of the governing party precluded substantive concessions on labour market regulation and pushed it towards ever more interventionist 'black economic empowerment' policies. The result was that economic growth remained modest, and of little benefit to the poor. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Contributors -- Preface / Maxfield, Sylvia / Schneider, Ben Ross -- Part I: Concepts And Arguments -- 1. Business, the State, and Economic Performance in Developing Countries / Schneider, Ben Ross / Maxfield, Sylvia -- 2. Theories of Business and Business-State Relations / Haggard, Stephan / Maxfield, Sylvia / Schneider, Ben Ross -- Part II: Business Organization, Firm Structure, And Strong States -- 3. State Structures, Government-Business Relations, and Economic Transformation / Evans, Peter -- 4. The Political Economy of Sectors and Sectoral Change: Korea Then and Now / Shafer, Michael -- 5. Strong States and Business Organization in Korea and Taiwan / Fields, Karl -- 6. Business Elites, the State, and Economic Change in Chile / Silva, Eduardo -- Part III: Collective Business Action And Weak States -- 7. Big Business and the Politics of Economic Reform: Confidence and Concertation in Brazil and Mexico / Schneider, Ben Ross -- 8. A Historical View of Business-State Relations: Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela Compared / Thorp, Rosemary / Durand, Francisco -- 9. Competitive Clientelism and Economic Governance: The Case of Thailand / Doner, Richard F. / Ramsay, Ansil -- 10. Economic Governance in Turkey: Bureaucratic Capacity, Policy Networks, and Business Associations / Biddle, Jesse / Milor, Vedat -- References -- Index