Suchergebnisse

After the sharp conflicts between the government & the medical unions in 1964, concerning health insurance reform involving an `agreement system' for medical fees & repayments by the health insurance funds--a form of bargaining economy has developed in Belgian health care, with sick funds & medical unions as the major parties. This 'Pax Medica' appears to be threatened by a series of financially motivated government measures aimed at reducing the medical associations' professional autonomy & dominance. The historical context, the parties involved, & the development of this conflict are discussed. A striking analogy with the 1964 conflict is pointed out, particularly regarding union strategy. The present state of affairs does not suggest a threat to the 'Pax Medica,' but rather a stabilization of the established power relationship between government, sick funds, & medical unions, which will respect the rules of democratic compromise. Such a conflictual situation helps in making various aspects of the overall situation more perceptible. The scene is dominated by two groups of organizations: medical unions & the sick funds. They function on the background of _a market economy that is accepted by both. Hence, fundamental social changes in the area of medicine are unlikely. Modified HA.

The literature of the last decade on Marxist or materialist theories of the state is reviewed. It is concluded that a Marxist theory of the state, ie, a theory that explains the conditions & mechanisms of the formation & functioning of the state, does not exist. What is presented as a Marxist theory is actually a structural-functionalist conception of the state, formulated in Marxist terms. This conception is characterized by strong teleological & metaphysical overtones & contains many elements of so-called bourgeois theories of the state. It is demonstrated that this conception is incompatible with a theory in which the processes of formation & functioning of the state are regarded as the results of ongoing political processes & conflicts, arising from relations of dependence & power in & between societies. Modified HA.

A CRITICAL REEXAMINATION OF PREVALENT ASSUMPTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE IS PRESENTED. THE TRADITIONAL MODEL OF THE INTERSTATE SYSTEM, WHICH GIVES THE NATIONSTATE A PROMINENT PLACE AS ACTOR & UNIT OF ANALYSIS & CONCEIVES OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AS A COLLECTIVITY OF STATES AIMING AT EQUILIBRIUM, HAS BEEN GENERALLY ACCEPTED BY SCHOLARS (IE BALANCE OF POWER THEORY). DEVELOPMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL REALITY SEEM TO CONTRADICT THESE ASSUMPTIONS. THEY ARE SUMMARIZED IN THE CONCEPTS OF THE 'NUCLEAR AGE' & THE 'TRANSNATIONAL SYSTEM' & COMBINED IN THE NOTION OF INTERDEPENDENCE CHARACTERIZING THE PRESENT INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. THESE DEVELOPMENTS POINT TO THE INCREASING CONVERGENCE OF RATIONAL & INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. IN RECENT INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS LITERATURE, THE TRADITIONAL HORIZONTAL, TERRITORIALLY-BASED ORGANIZATION OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IS CONTRASTED WITH ITS INCREASINGLY VERTICAL, TRANSNATIONAL CHARACTER, WHILE AT THE SAME TIME THE EQUILIBRIUM MODEL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS IS SUPERSEDED BY A VIEW OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM BASED ON RELATIONS OF DOMINANCE & SUPREMACY. THESE NEW INSIGHTS ARE COMBINED IN A MODEL OF A WORLD POLITICAL SYSTEM THAT IS GLOBAL IN ITS GEOGRAPHICAL DIMENSION. HA.

An investigation of the relations between sociol & pol'al sci (politology), based upon an examination of the existing literature. Pol'al sci remains an ill-defined area of the soc sci's. H. Heller is quoted to the effect that it lacks a clearly defined set of problems or a definitely prescribed methodology. Another difficulty is furnished by the lack of a definite boundary line between 'pol'al sci' & 'pol'al sociol.' The latter may be defined as the sociol of pol'al phenomena. Its concept has been defined in several ways, eg, as the empirical branch of the philosophy of the state (G. Salomon-Delatour); as a synonym of pol'al sci (M. Duverger); as the study of the power of the state (M. G. Lange); as the study of pol'al instit's (S. M. Lipset, R. Bendix). But pol'al phenomena, which pol'al sociol studies, cannot be confined to the state. This is demonstrated by an agreement reached in the early 1960's by the Belgian electricity companies, labor unions & consumers' org's which settled a pol'al matter & by-passed the state. In addition to purely pol'al aspects, pol'al sociol also studies certain psychol'al aspects of behavior which affect pol. It is concluded that pol'al sociol contributes to pol'al sci certain 'pieces of the mosaic of knowledge'; these pieces will be all the more valuable because they come from an area in which intuition has played so far a more important part than rational study. I. Langnas.

Most theorists on international relations agree on recognizing natural resources, economic strength, technological development, political stability, & military strength as the five bases of a state's power. This unanimity is in sharp contrast with the divergences in the operationalizations of the power of states. Most operationalizations use only one or two bases of a state's power & thus are very limited in scope. Therefore, the demand for an operationalization sticking as closely as possible to the unanimity among theorists forces itself on the researcher. An attempt is made to transform the theoretical unanimity into an operational measure. Each power basis represented by partial indicators is listed: (1) natural resources--area, population, production of energy, (2) economic strength--gross national product, energy consumption, monetary stability, (3) technological development--level of alphabetization, number of students in higher education, scientific production & infrastructure, (4) political stability--length of independence, internal stability, & (5) military strength--number of men in the armed forces, conventional weapons, nuclear strength. The operationalization was obtained by granting all five power bases an equal share in the index & by giving an equal weight to the sums of the arithmetical values for fifteen partial indicators & thus, for the five indicators. The nation's power-index, thus obtained, was applied to 110 nation states as they existed at the beginning of the '70s. On this power scale, ratings differ from 29,046 indexpoints of world power (IWM) for the US to 276 IWM for Gambia & even less for a number of the smaller states that could not be investigated. Modified HA.

Typical of current work in contemporary Soviet political theory is the work of V. N. Danilenko, a specialist in French political theory which appeared in Sovjetskoje Gosoedarstvo i Pravo (1976, Apr). Danilenko analyzes some French political theorists. The needs of ideological struggle require attention to new development in bourgeois ideology. The crisis of world capitalism as well as the emergence of formerly colonial nations has created a need for a renovation of political theories. Today's interest in the typology of political systems is typical of that renovation effort. The French theorists are criticized for assuming the independence of the political & economic structures & for not recognizing the role of ideologies as well as of social & geographic factors. They absolutize political systems & study them abstractly. By contrast, Marxist-Leninist political science asserts that a political system is an expression of the relations between classes & of the means by which the dictatorship of the ruling class is enforced. Therefore, the important criteria in the classification of bourgeois systems are: the rights & liberties of the Wc, how the Wc is represented in the parliamentary institution, what share the Wc has in state power & to what extent the state is forced to respond to PO & use democratic means of government. The Soviet juridical literature is criticized for not recognizing the full diversity of bourgeois systems. However, Marxism-Leninism brings to light what all these systems have in common: they are dictatorships of the bourgeoisie. A. Orianne.