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We use new data on political connections from the World Bank Enterprise Surveys to examine the impact of connections on firms' participation in global value chains (GVCs) for six MENA countries (Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, the West Bank and Gaza, Jordan, and Lebanon). In addition to political connections, we construct several measures of "political influence" based on available data on lobbying and grand corruption. We also explore whether political connections help firms overcome barriers to trade and investment and increase their participation in GVCs at the extensive and intensive margins. Our findings suggest that political connections do matter for firms' GVC participation. The impact is more pronounced for firms that combine political connections with informal payments to influence policymaking. Our findings on the significance of trade and investment barriers for GVC participation for different categories of firms' political influence are – however – inconclusive.

Korean small businesses have come a long way as sources of industrial power more important than heretofore credited. The nation's undemocratic dirigisme had largely slighted small businesses to the country's disadvantage. Although the government's policy bias against them started to change in the early 1980s, its support of them remained less than fully-fledged. Despite tough socio-economic conditions, however, both the first and second generation small entrepreneurs have strived to prove their self-worth as viable business enterprises and constantly - and increasingly over time - contributed to the incremental improvement of the economy. By shedding light on the little-known motivations, perceptions, and performances of the small business people, this article offers a more balanced and nuanced account of the past and present state of small businesses in the country, which provides a tentative basis for considering alternative vision for future development. (Asian J Polit Sci/NIAS)

"This book examines state-business relations in semi-peripheral South Africa and peripheral Zimbabwe after each country's transition to majority rule. Baran examines the implementation of liberalisation and indigenisation policies by the majority governments of South Africa and Zimbabwe used to complete the states' economic transformations."

This book examines state-state relations and new forms of state business relations that have emerged with an increase in China's foreign direct investments in Malaysia. Focusing on investments in the industrial sector and through in-depth case studies, this book adopts a novel framework to analyse these different types of state-business relations. These new forms of state-business relations are created from the different modes of negotiations between different key actors in each of the cases. Diverse outcomes were found, reflecting the disparate forms of power relationships and state cohesiveness with unique institutional architectures formed in each case. The book identifies a major shift in structural power in these new forms of state-business relations as China's large multinational state-owned enterprises increasingly invest in Malaysia. A well-constructed institutional architecture is needed, not just in Malaysia but for other Southeast Asian countries, if foreign investments are to be harnessed to promote effective industrial development.