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Business event as fieldwork site?
A major methodological problem in the ethnographic study of international business elites is to make visible the social relations they draw and depend on. Business elites constitute a highly mobile social category and they mediate a growing portion of everyday social interaction via online, digital means. They are elusive, therefore, and that compromises the possibility of making direct observations of their social practices, which erodes the scope to ethnographically study this important group in the world economy. The essay shows how fieldwork on business events, such as conferences, expositions, and trade fairs, can help to overcome this problem. Such events constitute focal points and moments of crystallization in globally operating social networks, making visible a part of the international business 'theatre' that normally lags hidden. By presenting excerpts from recent fieldwork carried out in Belgium, Greece and the Netherlands, I give an impression of observables in this theatre, aiming especially at fostering an awareness of social behavior 'backstage' with a view to formulating further questions. The essay concludes with a plea to include business events as 'field schools' in study programs looking at international business elites, such as business schools and/or business economics.

An important element in the debate on the hollowed State is the extent to which the subsidiary idea caused a decrease in dominance of the central State & led to a multifaceted process of decentralisation. A case in point is the recent regionalisation of the competency to organise local government in Belgium. Based on Page & Goldsmith's three dimensions in intergovernmental relations between central & local government (functions, discretion & access), we test the discourse of the reform of the local government in Flanders to its practice. It is argued that the principles of a subsidiary founded municipal autonomy, a growing fiscal & functional discretion & a personal disentanglement of local & central decision-makers was inspired by northern European models of government relations. These, however, are only partially being confirmed by the praxis of the reforms, as the main principles of the existing southern European models persist. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract

Navigating the research and researchers' field: Reflections on positionality in (assumed) insider research

To challenge rigid ideas about objectivity in social science research, qualitative researchers question their own subjectivity in the research process. In such endeavors, the focus is mainly on the positionality of the researcher vis-à-vis their respondents in the research field. In this contribution, I argue that the positionality of the researcher in academia, what I refer to as the researchers' field, is equally important as it influences the way research findings are received and evaluated. Through reflections on positionality in my insider research concerning labour relations and exploitation in Chinese migrant businesses in the Netherlands and Romania, I explore how my positionality as an insider negatively influenced my credibility and approachability in the researchers' field. I conclude that it is necessary to pay more attention to researchers' positionality in academia as it may shed light on and make it possible to discuss the written and unwritten standards of researchers' credibility and approachability as an academic in the researchers' field. Accordingly, this could provide insights into the causes of inequalities in academia and contribute to the current challenge for more diversity in academia.

Few other countries are so interrelated with the world around us in political, economic, and social respects as the Netherlands. This means that the Dutch government needs to be alert in its response to the risks and opportunities presented by a rapidly changing world. Addressing this issue, the Scientific Council for Government Policy (wrr) offers some reflections in this report, guided by the question how the Netherlands can develop a foreign policy strategy that matches the changing power relations in the world and the radically changed character of international relations. The answer to this question is a reorientation. This means making transparent choices, making smarter use of Europe as our dominant arena, and, finally, choosing an approach that makes better use of the growing role of non-state actors. The report's recommendations not only underline the necessity of reorientation but also show how this could be accomplished in practice.

Simon van Slingelandt (1664-1736) has been in the service of the Republic of the United Netherlands during his entire working life. In 1690 he started his career as secretary of the Council of State (Raad van State). In 1725 he was appointed Treasurer-General and in 1727 he accepted the position of Grand Pensionary over Holland and West Friesland. In this final position he was 'le premier homme de la Republique' during the Second Stadtholderless period. This period commenced after the death of stadtholder-king William III in 1702 and would last until 1747. As a civil servant, he has left a great impression upon the daily affairs in both domestic and foreign political business. He sharply perceived how hairline cracks in the union of the seven provinces (Utrecht 1579) threatened to become fractures. After the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1713), the Republic faced hard times. This incited Van Slingelandt to write critical texts. In both a personal capacity and as secretary of the Council of State, he pointed out the danger of a collapse of the system of government to the domestic allies. He also made propositions to improve the political-administrative system and financial policy. Van Slingelandt gathered these ideas in several treatises. These writings circulated during his lifetime, but were published later, in 1784-1785, titled Staatkundige Geschriften (Political Writings), fifty years after his death. This book contains a complete analysis of these treatises – as yet missing from historiography – which is preceded by an extensive biographical chapter about Van Slingelandt.

An article on how the Flemish government has used the new legislation to found its own international cultural policy and if its aims were solely cultural, or mixed with political and/or economic gains. Up till now cultural policies have been mainly policies of subvention and not enough autonomous, since political and economical aims were found too important. Regarding autonomy, the results have not been brilliant; international subventions, regulated by external factors, have been mainly of a political and economical nature, which diminishes the structural practices, leaving a tight budget for an autonomous, authentic policy. However, compared with Holland and the Walloon provinces, the results seem better. The functionality in Walloon remains highly influenced by international merchandising goals, and Holland has accepted the existing and hard to avoid co-relation with other domains, but their idea of an autonomous policy seems rather individualistic. As regards the EU: its nature is too economical to make for a successful autonomy. Future aims seem worthwhile however in a cooperation of a Dutch language union, an international cooperation thus, between the Netherlands and Flemish cultural strategies. It is a costly business, but promoting Dutch language contributions to the international scene provide some good basics for an internationalized policy, to which the Flemish-Dutch Cultural Policy Committee (Commissie Cultureel Verdrag Vlaanderen-Nederland) has given its approval. References. O. van Zijl

A little appreciated member of the international community in 2004, Belgium has developed the previous years into a constructive diplomatic element that takes to heart its international responsibility (examples: troops in Lebanon, Afghanistan, Balkans, and an effective diplomatic intervention concerning the Democratic Republic of Congo). Responsibly for this success are called Belgian impartiality, its open ears, imagination and collaboration regarding multilateralism. Furthermore, the EU's enlargement by 10 states is discussed, the rejecting of the European Constitution by France and the Netherlands, and the strengthened position of the BENELUX within the EU. A second topic: relations with the neighboring countries France, United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany and Luxembourg. A last item discusses cooperation in multilateral development projects. References. O. van Zijl