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During the Cold War the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was almost uncontested in its foreign policy role, a position that has become challenged since the 1990's due to the internationalization, globalization and europeanization of the world. In its European policy the ministry is challenged by business, non-profit organizations, political parties and regional/local governments. Due to Norway's role in peace operations, the foreign policy leeway of NGOs and the Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation has grown, and in addition the Norwegian Ministry of Defence has taken a stronger foreign policy position. All of these events have reduced the political power of the Norwegian foreign ministers, who have largely responded by emphasizing their role in the bigger picture of promoting security and peace throughout the world. Adapted from the source document.

The Arctic region has attracted the interest of Arctic and non-Arctic states, as well as non-state actors, for decades. Corresponding with the growing attraction towards the region, the number of conferences attending to Arctic issues has expanded. This article provides an historical mapping of the Arctic conference sphere, and demonstrates how the establishment of Arctic conferences has both paralleled central events in Arctic affairs and can be linked to important international developments. Firstly, there is a notable peak conforming with the "second state change" in 2005, brought about by developments opening the Arctic to global concerns: the impacts of climate change and the spread of the socio-economic effects from globalization to the Arctic. Secondly, the expanding number of conferences around 2013 can be seen in relation to the growing interest in the region from non-Arctic states. As such, this article builds the argument for conferences as a central element within the Arctic governance architecture, creating linkages among units in the regime complex. The article devotes particular attention towards the two largest international conferences on Arctic issues – Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly – to illustrate how the necessity for hybrid policy-science-business conferences arose from a more complex governance system, and challenges requiring cross-sectoral, interdisciplinary, and international collaboration.

Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

It is well established in International Relations that the modem state & the state system originated at the Peace of Westphalia (1648). In this article, the author argues that there is little evidence to support such an understanding, neither in the texts of the treaties nor in the political situation before or in the wake of 1648. Rather, the Peace of Westphalia can in many ways be understood to be a step backwards from a modem understanding of sovereignty (cuius regio, eius religio: whose region it is, his religion it is), which to some extent was represented in the Peace of Augsburg (1555). International Relations' understanding of the Peace of Westphalia is based on a mythical understanding of historical processes. Furthermore, the author argues, International Relations should abandon the mythical watershed which 1648 represents. However, instead of searching for another myth to explain the origin of its main object of study, one should instead re-conceptualise the discipline in a new & more dynamic way, taking into account the heterogeneous character of the international system. 60 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article gives an analysis of the war of opinion about the Vietnam War, with focus partly on the United States, mainly Norway &, to a lesser degree, Sweden. The main theme is change & stability & what constituted opinions & positions. In the early phase, Norwegian media & the great majority of politicians were mere mouthpieces of the official American version of the war. This stands out in contrast to neutral Sweden where criticism towards the US was sharp. The long duration of the conflict & its brutality became factors in moulding opinion. There was time for alternative information gathering for reflection. The thesis that the US lost this first media war on the home front -- in the media -- is discarded. The Norwegian Conservative Party remained firmly supportive of the US war effort throughout the war. The most important struggle of opinion took place within the Labour Party. For both parties, loyalty to Norway's military protector was at stake. For a majority of Norwegians the war in Vietnam may have been a turning point in the perception of the United States. References. Adapted from the source document.

Status of religious communities -- Relations between the state and Islam -- State support for Islamic religious communities -- Muslims in integration law -- Mosques and prayer houses -- Burials and cemeteries -- Education -- Further and higher (tertiary) education -- Islamic chaplaincy in public institutions -- Employment and social law -- Islamic slaughter and food regulation -- Islamic goods and services -- Islamic dress -- Criminal law -- Family law

In the 1990s, American public diplomacy was built down & neglected following its merits during the Cold War. After September 11, (2001), this field has, however, had a renaissance. But at present, the Cold War situation is inverted. In the struggle against communism, the US typically faced hostile regimes with populations yearning for Western ideology & values. Today a heavy reliance on mechanisms of marketing seems to have deteriorated US public diplomacy, whereas the Arab world is far from fertile soil for US public diplomacy. America's current enemies tend to be sub-national actors with hostile perceptions of the US, & larger populations show strong anti-American sentiments. Most activities that are labeled public diplomacy also belong in the realm of propaganda, but so-called white propaganda -- ie, the sender is known. But can public diplomacy work unless the state it originates from combines it with a policy that is saleable to the target audience? 1 Figure, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the African state, using Michael Mann's theory of state formation as a starting point. Mann describes state formation as a process through which society is gradually "caged in" by the state, establishing the state as the highest political authority & the final arbiter of conflict within its territory. I argue that African states have been unable to "cage in" their societies. On the one hand, this means that politics does not only consist in struggles about control over the state or the content of state politics. Instead, the state's right to formulate laws & policies that are binding for society as a whole is challenged. On the other hand, since the state is unable to control its borders, interstate relations also take a different form. Conflicts that start as civil wars tend to spread across borders, without any of the affected states being able to prevent it. As a result, the distinction between the internal & the external becomes blurred. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.