Suchergebnisse

Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.

ان الديمقراطية النيابية تعني قيام الشعب باختيار ممثلين عنه للحكم بدلا عنه لفترة زمنية معينة عبر انتخابات دورية .لذا فان تاقيت المجالس النيابية هي احد العناصر الاساسية للديمقراطية النيابية وتنتهي تمثيل المجلس النيابي للشعب صاحب السلطة الاصلي بانتهاء مدة ولاية المجلس ويفقد المثلون شرعيتهم لان الشعب انتخبهم لتمثيله فقط لتلك المدة المحددة في الدستور او القانون وينبغي العودة مجددا الى الشعب ليدلو بدلوه امما باعادة انتخابهم اذا رأى فيهم انهم قد احسنو تمثيله او يقوم بانتخاب نواب اخرين لكي يمثلوه لولاية جديدة،ولا يجوز تأخير الانتخابات او تمديد ولاية المجالس لانهم وكلاء عن الشعب ولا يجوز للوكيل تمديد مدة وكالته او ولايته ولكن نرى انه في الدول والاقاليم الحديثة العهد بالديمقراطية ومنها العراق واقليم كوردستان لا يتم الالتزام بمواعيد الانتخابات في حينها ويتم اللجوء في الكثير من الاحايين الى تمديد ولاية المجالس سواء ولاية المجالس الوطنية كمجلس النواب او المجلس الوطني في السابق و برلمان اقليم كوردستان او المجالس المحلية كمجالس المحافظات والبلديات في هذا البحث تناولنا حالات تمديد المجالس النيابية الوطنية والمحلية وعلى مستوى الدولة الاتحادية وعلى مستوى اقليم كوردستان ايضا. ; around the existence and non-existence with the timeliness corner of the parliamentary democracy, because the timeliness corner requires specifying a reasonable period of time for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, and on this basis most of the constitutions stipulated the determination of a reasonable time period that ranges from two to five years for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, And in order to renew the council's mandate at the end of the term, it also stipulated that a specific period be set before the mandate of the existing council to conduct elections to renew the council's term, and the formation of a new council with the end of the mandate of the existing council. The extension of the mandate of the House of Representatives is in violation of the rules of jurisdiction and delegation as well, because representatives are competent to exercise their powers defined in the constitution within a limited period of time and with the end of this period their powers to practice their business ends, and when they perform any work outside this period their behavior is tainted by the defect of lack of temporal competence Their behavior is invalid, in addition to that the extension of the mandate of the Parliament is considered contrary to the rules of delegation as well, because according to these rules the authority of the Commissioner ends once the time period specified for him has expired, and during our study of democracy we concluded that the people are the original owner The power to delegate power by all members of the people, the people authorized the deputies to exercise judgment in their place for a limited period and with their termination, the jurisdiction in question delegated to the original owner of the authority It should be noted that in the new countries of democracy, the constitutional and legal dates of the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils are not adhered to, and the elections are delayed and the mandate of those councils is extended, whether in Kurdistan or in the Iraqi federal state. In this research, the cases of extension to the national, local, or municipal councils are discussed with submitting the necessary proposals and recommendations not to Resorting to extending and abiding by the constitutional and legal dates of the elections in order for the parliament to retain its legitimacy

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.