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This article explores the role that 'habit' played in discourses on crime in the 18th century, a subject which forms an important part of the history of 'the social'. It seeks to bridge the division between 'liberal' positions which see crime as a product of social circumstance, and the conservative position which stresses the role of will and individual responsibility, by drawing attention to the role habit played in uniting these conceptions in the 18th century. It argues that the Lockean idea that the mind was a tabula rasa, and that the character was thereby formed through impression and habit, was used as a device to explain the ways in which certain individuals rather than others happened to fall into a life of crime, a temptation to which all were susceptible. This allowed commentators to define individuals as responsible for their actions, while accepting the significance of environmental factors in their transgressions. Further, the notion that the character was formed through habit enabled reformers to promote the idea that crime could be combated through mechanisms of prevention and reformation, which both targeted the individual criminal and sought more generally to reduce the likelihood of crime.

AbstractThis article analyses a significant sample of theft cases tried in the appellate courts of the parlements of Paris and Toulouse from the mid-sixteenth century to the end of the seventeenth century. Despite some historians' claims that theft was typically overlooked or settled informally, and that property crime only became a major social problem because of the rise of industrial capitalism in the eighteenth century, this article argues that French subjects did take theft seriously in this period, even if that meant subjecting it to ridicule in cultural productions such as Molière's celebrated play The Miser.

Between exoticism and marginalization : new approaches to Naples / Melissa Calaresu and Helen Hills -- Myths of modernity and the myth of the city : when the historiography of pre-modern Italy goes south / John Marino -- Through a glass darkly : material holiness and the treasury Chapel of San gennaro in Naples / Helen Hills -- Contaminating bodies : print and the 1656 plague in Naples / Rose Marie San Juan -- Topographies of poetry : mapping early modern Naples / Harald Hendrix -- The collection and dissemination of Neapolitan music, c.1600-c.1790 / Dinko Fabris -- Landed identity and the bourbon Neapolitan state : Claude-Joseph Vernet and the politics of the "siti reali" / Helena Hammond -- The architecture of knowledge : science, collecting, and display in 18th-century Naples / Paola Bertucci -- Collecting neapolitans : the representation of street-life in late eighteenth-century Naples / Melissa Calaresu -- "Missed opportunities" in the history of Naples / Anna Maria Rao

John M. Collins presents the first comprehensive history of martial law in the early modern period. He argues that rather than being a state of exception from law, martial law was understood and practiced as one of the King's laws. Further, it was a vital component of both England's domestic and imperial legal order. It was used to quell rebellions during the Reformation, to subdue Ireland, to regulate English plantations like Jamestown, to punish spies and traitors in the English Civil War, and to build forts on Jamaica. Through outlining the history of martial law, Collins reinterprets English legal culture as dynamic, politicized, and creative, where jurists were inspired by past practices to generate new law rather than being restrained by it. This work asks that legal history once again be re-integrated into the cultural and political histories of early modern England and its empire.

Perhaps, the story of Europe's views of Asia should begin with the question of when the term 'Asia', 'Açu', was introduced into what one must call the European perspective of the world. Meaning the 'sunrising' in its original, Assyrian usage, it always seems to have denoted that part of the world which lay to the East. Once the Greek had adopted it to identify those lands which, precisely because they were threatening and near, they wanted to denote as 'not theirs', it became part of the dichotomy in which Europe was created as the geographical context for Greek civilisation, Hellas, while Asia -jealously viewed and, consequently, negatively judged - was the territory of the other, the enemy. From that time onwards, 'Europe' was part of the vocabulary the peoples of the Mediterranean used to structure the shores of their sea geographically.

Mothers and daughters and sons, in the law : family conflict, legal stories, and women's litigation in late Medieval Marseille / Susan McDonough -- 'Consent and coercion : women's use of marital consent laws as legal defense in late Medieval Paris / Kristi DiClemente -- Shades of consent : abduction for marriage and women's agency in the late Medieval low countries / Chanelle Delameilleure -- Female litigants in secular and ecclesiastical courts in the lands of the Bohemian crown, c.1300-c.1500 / Michaela Antonín Malaníková -- Widowhood and attainder in Medieval Ireland : the case of Margaret Nugent / Sparky Booker -- Choosing Chancery? : Women's petitions to the late Medieval Court of Chancery / Cordelia Beattie -- Gendered roles and female litigants in northeastern England, 1300-1530 / Peter Larson -- Property over patriarchy? Remarried widows as litigants in the records of Glasgow's commissary court, 1615-1694 / Rebecca Mason -- Women negotiating wealth : gender, law and arbitration in early modern southern Tyrol / Margareth Lanzinger and Janine Maegraith -- A litigating widow and wife in early modern Sweden : Lady Elin Johansdotter [Månesköld] and her family circle / Mia Korpiola -- Women litigants in early eighteenth-century Ireland / Mary O'Dowd -- Hidden in plain sight : female litigators, reproductive lives, archival practices and early modern historiography / Julie Hardwick.

"This book reconstructs the historical transition in the undivided Panjab during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It shows that the assertion of Mughal and Afghan suzerainty faced sustained resistance from local elements, particularly the autonomous tribes and hill chiefdoms. In central plains, Dulla Bhatti mobilized the toilers of his ancestral domain and, leading a relentless fight against the Mughal oppression, became an abiding symbol of resistance in the collective memory. The multicultural legacy of Panjab evolved through diverse strands of spirituality. The jogis, wedded to monastic discipline, supernatural abilities and land grants, gained acceptance through their exertions for social betterment. The Sabiri and Qadiri silsilas channelized mystical urges towards the technique of prime recitation. The popular verses of Shah Husain, Baba Lal and Sultan Bahu proposed a loving relation with God. The legendary lovers, perishing in the struggles against patriarchal forces, promoted a merger of dissent with spirituality. In the city of Lahore, the material pursuits and cultural life were visible in a mosaic of descriptions, including episodes of social tension. The book understands the upliftment of depressed castes as a defining feature of Sikhism. It places egalitarian concern of the Sikh Gurus alongside the anti-caste protests of Namdev, Kabir and Ravidas. Owing to scriptural authority and congregational equality, the members of depressed castes attained a numerical majority in the Sikh warrior bands that shook the foundations of the Mughal state. The work relies on evidence from the Persian chronicles, Mughal newsletters, Sufi writings, Sikh literature and Punjabi folklore"--

The use of the consumer boycott as a political tool is commonly associated with pre-revolutionary colonial America and has been identified by historians as an important means through which American women were politicized. This article argues that from the late seventeenth century, Irish political discourse advocated the non-consumption of imported goods and support for home manufactures by women in ways that were strikingly similar to those used later in North America. In Ireland and, subsequently in the American colonies, the virtuous woman consumer was given an active public role by political and social commentators. Rather than being a "brilliantly original American invention," as T. H. Breen has argued, the political exploitation of a consumer boycott and the promotion of local industry were among what Bernard Bailyn has described as the "set of ideas, already in scattered ways familiar" to the revolutionary leaders through the Irish experience. The article also argues that a shared colonial environment gave Irish and American women a public patriotic role in the period, c. 1700–1780 that they did not have in the home countries of England and Scotland.