Suchergebnisse

Kampagnen sind in der Volksrepublik China ein etabliertes Mittel zur Durchsetzung von politischen und rechtlichen Zielen. Seit dem Beginn der Reform- und Öffnungspolitik hat sich das Land wirtschaftlich rapide entwickelt, was ein Grund ist sowohl für die stetige Weiterentwicklung des lokalen Rechtssystems als auch für die Attraktivität Chinas für ausländische Arbeitskräfte. Dieses Buch untersucht die Rolle von Kampagnen im Kontext des chinesischen Einwanderungsrechts, das im Jahr 2012 grundlegend reformiert worden ist. Es geht dabei der Frage nach, warum die Revision des Gesetzes zur Verwaltung der Ein- und Ausreise mit der verstärkten Durchführung von Kampagnen gegen illegale Einwanderung und illegale Beschäftigung von Ausländern einherging. Zu diesem Zweck untersucht dieses Buch sowohl den inneren Aufbau der Kampagnen als auch die Einbettung des aktuellen Einwanderungsrechts in den Kontext des chinesischen Verwaltungsrechts.

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

鄧國亮. ; "2007年8月". ; 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2007. ; 參考文獻(leaves 166-172). ; "2007 nian 8 yue". ; Abstract also in English. ; Deng Guoliang. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 166-172). ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. ; Chapter 第一章、 --- 緖論 --- p.1 ; Chapter 第二章、 --- 成化元年藤峽之役 --- p.16 ; Chapter 第三章、 --- 嘉靖七年藤峽之役 --- p.73 ; Chapter 第四章、 --- 嘉靖十八年藤峽之役 --- p.130 ; 結語 --- p.156 ; Chapter 附錄一: --- 王守仁嘉靖六年致廷臣信件 --- p.159 ; 徵引書目 --- p.165

Li, Hang. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 267-282). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

There is a continuing struggle between the demand of a market economy for judicial efficiency, impartiality, and professional conduct on the one hand, and the resistance of the traditional ideology to judicial reform, on the other. The current discipline campaign, as a temporary movement, will undoubtedly reduce the incidence of corruption scandals and result in the punishment of violators over a short period. The tougher job, nevertheless, is to reform the current system by introducing a supervisory scheme thai will deter and deal with abuses effectively in the long run. This will improve the quality of the entire judiciary and further develop true judicial independence in China. In terms of the big picture, the upgrading of judicial performance will not be achieved in isolation, but to a large degree, depend on the progress of the rule of law in China. ; published_or_final_version

Wang Siu-ha. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter I : --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II : --- Peasant women before the Revolution --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter III: --- "The Bolsheviks on the ""Women Question""" --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter IV : --- Mobilizing Peasant Women --- p.71 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Formal education --- p.72 ; Chapter (II) --- Informal education --- p.76 ; Visual political propaganda: poster ; Chapter B. --- Coercing Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.83 ; Chapter (II) --- The Anti-Religious campaign --- p.85 ; Chapter Chapter V : --- Peasant Women Respond to Collectivization --- p.91 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Peasant Women Respond to Formal Education --- p.93 ; Chapter (II) --- Peasant Women Respond to Informal education --- p.108 ; Chapter B. --- Coercion ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.112 ; Chapter (II) --- Anti-religious measures --- p.115 ; Chapter (III) --- Introduction of Secular Rites for Religious Rites --- p.119 ; Chapter Chapter VI: --- Conclusion --- p.131 ; Chapter A. --- Rationalists --- p.136 ; Chapter B. --- Rationalist-Romantics --- p.138 ; Chapter C. --- Romantics --- p.139 ; Appendix 1 --- p.143 ; Appendix 2 --- p.144 ; Appendix 3 --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...

Dr. Hu Shih (1891-1962) was one of China's top scholars and diplomats and served as the Republic of China's ambassador to the United States during World War II. As early as 1941, Hu Shih warned of the fundamental ideological conflict between dictatorial totalitarianism and democratic systems, a view that later became the foundation of the Cold War narrative. In the 1950s, after Mao's authoritarian regime was established, Hu Shih started to analyze the development and nature of Communism, delivering a series of lectures and addresses to reveal what he called Stalin's "grand strategy" for facilitating the International Communist Movement. For decades--and today to a certain extent--Hu Shih's political writings were considered sensitive and even dangerous. As a strident critic of the Chinese Communist Party's oligarchical practices, he was targeted by the CCP in a concerted national campaign to smear his reputation, cast aspersions on his writings, and generally destroy any possible influence he might have in China. This volume brings together a collection of Hu Shih's most important, mostly unpublished, English-language speeches, interviews, and commentaries on international politics, China-U.S. relations, and the International Communist Movement. Taken together, these works provide an insider's perspective on Sino-American relations and the development of the International Communist Movement over the course of the 20th century

本研究探討深思的可能性模型(Elaboration Likelihood Model)在設計推廣使用營養標籤的廣告中的適用性。香港的一所中學的169位學生參與了一個2 x 2 x 3(健康意識:高vs. 低 x 論據:數據 vs. 經驗 x 代言人:專家vs. 名人 vs. 普通人)的實驗。 部分假設得到支持。 健康意識的主效果明顯。 具有較高健康意識的青少年更易被廣告說服。 健康意識和代言人具有交叉效應。對於健康意識較高的人來說,營養師更有說服力, 而對於健康意識較低的人來說,名人更有影響力。論據和代言人的搭配影響了資訊的處理路徑。如果以數據為主的論據是由普通人提供的,則更易推動青少年使用營養標籤。而如果以個人經驗為主的論據是由名人提供的,則更有效。統計結果將在深思的可能性模型下得以展開討論。 本文還會對開展針對青少年的公共健康傳播運動提出建議。 ; This study tested the utility of the Elaboration Likelihood Model in creating effective Public Service Announcements (PSAs) of nutrition label use. Students (N=169) from a secondary school in Hong Kong participated in a 2x2x3 (Health consciousness: High vs. Low x Argument: Informational vs. Testimonial x Source: Expert vs. Celebrity vs. Ordinary Person) factorial design experiment. Hypotheses were partially supported. Main effect was located for health consciousness. Adolescents with high health consciousness were more persuaded by the PSAs. There was an interaction effect between health consciousness and source. A dietitian as the source was most persuasive to people with high health consciousness, while low health conscious people were most influenced by a celebrity. The information processing route was biased by the match of argument and source. Informative argument made by an ordinary person was more likely to motivate adolescents to use nutrition label, while testimonial argument made by a celebrity was the most effective. The findings are discussed in light of ELM and match-up hypotheses. Recommendations are also offered for public health communication campaigns. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Dong, Zhuowen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 72-84). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Table of Content --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Publicity Campaign of Nutrition Labelling Scheme in Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Adolescent and Nutrition Label (NL) --- p.3 ...

Wong, Ho Yin. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2008. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 緒論 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgement --- p.iv ; Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- ...

本文研究了香港佔領運動的政治過程。通過深入訪談和檔案資料,本文認為香港的佔領運動的特點是各持份者之間存在錯誤認知,溝通失當以及不恰當的應對方法。運動最合適的定義是憲制性不服從,而不是運動領袖所聲稱的公民不服從。 ; 在強烈的不滿以及感知到的政治機會的驅動下,佔領中環的領袖在2013年初發起了佔中運動,並且以"公民抗命"作為運動框釋。為了能夠得出權威的方案,並且在政改中由公民社會領導政治社會,運動組織了一系列"商討日"。但參與者的自我選擇使得商討日成為事實上的運動動員。商討日逐漸被激進政治力量主導,而溫和民主派被疏遠。 ; 中國政府把佔領中環運動視為對香港管治權的爭奪。因為溝通失當和對外國干預的恐懼,中國政府做出了過度回應。首先是通過白皮書嘗試重新解讀憲政秩序,其後人大常委做出決定,提出一個有政治篩選的選舉框架。中國政府的決定被香港市民視為其對民主和自治承諾的背叛。 ; 學生其後介入並且開展了一場學生運動,並最終發展為雨傘運動。學聯首先發起了罷課並且以"命運自決"作為主要框釋,指責基本法繼承了殖民地時代的政治經濟制度,把香港二次殖民。在雨傘運動爆發後,大部分示威者,包括學生領袖,在和政府比拼對憲制性文件的理解,進行一場憲制性不服從。當運動參與在初期到達巔峰後,示威者嘗試通過抗爭策略的升級和尋求潛在的精英同盟來維持運動,但這些努力沒有奏效。在一開始的鎮壓失敗後,政府採用了拖延消耗的策略。政府最後通過禁制令使運動終結,因為司法體系仍然保持了認受性,同時大部分示威者不願意挑戰法治。 ; 本文認為佔領運動最適合被歸類為憲制性不服從。示威者遵從一國兩制的憲政秩序,但試圖通過對憲制文件的解讀,為基本法對民主權利的一些關鍵限制鬆綁。憲制性不服從接受憲政秩序和司法機構的權威,但不接受政治制度的合法性。憲制性不服從可以發生在一種獨特的政體-自由不民主。在自由不民主政體,公民自由,法治,憲政主義已經確立,司法機構得到廣泛尊重,但一個有認受性的民主政府還沒有被確立。這個新名詞可以對理解轉型國家和後殖民地區的抗爭作出新的貢獻。 ; This dissertation studies the political process of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on in-depth interviews and archival research, this study argues the movement is characterized as the misperceptions, miscommunications, and mistreatments among the main stakeholders. The movement is best defined as constitutional disobedience, instead of civil disobedience as claimed by movement leaders. ; Driven by the strong grievance and perceived political opportunity, the leaders of Occupy Central started the campaign in early 2013 and framed it as a "civil disobedience" movement. Aiming at figuring out an authoritative proposal and letting the civil society lead political parties in the political reform, the campaign organized a series of "deliberation days", yet the self-selection of the participants made the DDays become de facto movement mobilization. The DDays were gradually dominated by radical political forces that alienated moderate democrats. ; The Chinese government perceived the Occupy Central campaign as a struggle for the governing power in Hong Kong. With the miscommunication and the fear of foreign intervention, the Chinese government over-reacted by ...

Ko, Yee-wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-180). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.ii ; List of Tables and Figures & List of Appendixes --- p.iv ; Abstract --- p.v ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Intellectual Puzzle --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Aims and Significance --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.4 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- The Change in Family Forms in Hong Kong and the Review of Related Literature --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.1 --- The Rise of Non-Conventional Families in Hong Kong --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Family Study in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Changing Familial Structure in the West --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Evolving Concept of Family --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Family Under Social Constructionism --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Making Use of the Family in Social Policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Feminist Approach to Family --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.8 --- A Summary - From Literature Review to Research Question --- p.48 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3: --- Methodology --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Design --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Operationalization of Key Concepts --- p.56 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Operationalization: Analytical Tools --- p.61 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4: --- Incongruity Between New Familial Needs and Social Policy--- The Case of Public Housing Policy --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Western Experience --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Cases Exemplifying the Policy Mismatch --- p.73 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Government Response --- p.85 ; Chapter CHAPTER 5: --- Analysis of Family Life Education--- An Educational Tool to Alleviate the 'Family Problems'? --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction: FLE Campaign in Hong Kong --- p.93 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Findings --- p.95 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Summary and Implications of Findings --- p.115 ; Chapter CHAPTER 6: --- ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

本論文旨在探討香港青年參與社會運動的動機。近年,香港社會掀起青年積極參與社會運動的浪潮。學民思潮是最顯著的例子,這個由中學生組成的青年政治組織,於2012年發起了反對特區政府設立德育及國民教育科的社會運動。他們認為該科目有意向青年灌輸「洗腦式」的愛國教育,「反國教運動」成功動員近十二萬名市民包圍政府總部,最終驅使當局撤回方案。 ; 本論文與21位學民思潮的核心成員進行深入訪談,探討近年青年積極參與社會運動的原因。本論文旨在剖析曾被視為「政治冷感」的香港青年,在社會抗爭過程中扮演愈趨重要的角色之箇中原因。 ; 借用雲‧斯特克倫博赫和蓋德曼斯 (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans)提出的社會運動參與的雙路徑模式 (dual pathway model to protest),我們採用了社會心理學的理論以分析青年參與社會運動的動機及心路歷程。研究發現,青年抗爭者可歸納為兩大類:(1) 能動者類別,這類青年具政治能動性,採取工具性/ 社會社會鑲嵌的路徑參與社會運動﹔(2) 不滿類別,這類青年欠缺政治能動性,對政治抱懷疑態度,採取不滿路徑參與社會運動。本研究認為,在兩類的青年中,集體身體認同都對其社會運動參與扮演身重要角色,而對推動不滿類別,欠缺政治能動性的青年的影響至關重要。 ; Hong Kong has experienced an unprecedentedly high level of youth activism against government policy changes in recent years. The most prominent example is "Scholarism," a movement that was founded by secondary students that orchestrated a remarkable campaign against the government's proposal to establish the Moral and National Education curriculum in 2012. At one point, Scholarism activists claimed to have mobilized nearly 120,000 citizens in an "occupation" of government headquarters for ten days. They eventually forced the government to withdraw its proposal of what the Scholarists regarded as "brainwashing patriotic education." ; The present study is based on in-depth interviews with 21 core members of Scholarism movement, to examine the apparent "dawn" of youth political activism in Hong Kong. This thesis intends to solve the riddle of how young people in Hong Kong, who had been depicted as "political apathetic," were playing an increasingly significant role in social protest. ; Drawing on van Stekelenburg and Klandermans's dual pathway model of protest, the social psychological explanation is applied to understanding the motivational dynamics behind Scholarism. The main argument is that youth activists in Hong Kong can be categorized into two main clusters, which take two distinctive pathways to protest participation: (1) the efficacy cluster, which is steered by a sense of political efficacy and which follows the social instrumental/embeddedness pathway (in ...

本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...