Con l'avvento della rivoluzione digitale e la crisi della partecipazione politica tradizionale che si osserva nelle democrazie più avanzate, l'infrastruttura e l'architettura organizzativa della politica si riscoprono online, nella networked politics, dove risiede l'attivismo individualizzato, post-burocratico e partecipativo. Il marketing politico si è dunque dotato di professionisti della comunicazione, di data scientists, di indagini demoscopiche, di news management. Nell'osservare tali cambiamenti, in occasione delle elezioni politiche 2018, è stato raccolto tutto il materiale testuale, grafico e audiovisivo prodotto dalle pagine Facebook ufficiali di Movimento 5 Stelle, PD e Lega. L'obiettivo si concretizza nello studio delle strategie di marketing politico online attuate dai singoli partiti, al fine di individuare quei tratti distintivi tipici di un nuovo modo di comunicare la politica, tra disintermediazione, prossimità con l'elettorato e nuovi spazi della mediatizzazione.
Challenging the traditional argument that the French army in the 1650s was marked by significant developments in centralized administrative control, this article looks at the continuing importance of the interplay of three interest groups in determining the effectiveness of military operations: central governement; the generals and their military administrators; the regimental officers. It argues that in the Italian theatre these three interest groups proved unable to work together, and explores the consequences of this for strategy and military outcomes.
From its colonial history, the twin-island state of Trinidad and Tobago inherited a uniquely diverse population of 1.3 million, including descendants of East Indians, Africans, Chinese, Syrians and Lebanese, French, Spanish, Portuguese and British, among others. The legacy of the British divide et impera, paired with the perceived ethnic diversity, has been marking and re-producing a deep "Us vs. Them" division, especially between the two major ethnic groups of East Indians (35.4%) and Africans (34.2%). For over forty years, the two ethnic groups have been struggling for political control through census counts and voting along ethnic lines. Although elections in the country have always served as "the critical arbiter in adjudicating the rival claims by the main ethno-cultural communities for power and privilege" (Premdas 2004: 19), the 2010 General Election seemed to have marked a turning point in the history of the nation. On May 24th, Trinidad and Tobago elected Kamla Persad-Bissessar, its first female Prime Minister and only the second person of East Indian origin to hold the PM office in 48 years of independence. Breaking out of the country's rigid bipolar political mould, Persad-Bissessar won as the leader of the People's Partnership, a new coalition party that comprised both East Indian and African political forces and movements. She defeated Patrick Manning's People's National Movement and succeeded in winning 29 seats out of the 41 in the House of Representatives. Taking this unprecedented political success as its starting point, this dissertation explores the discursive and political strategies behind Persad-Bissessar's election, analyzing a large corpus of textual and visual data from the People's Partnership campaign. The starting assumption is that Persad-Bissessar broadened her electorate not only by presenting a carefully engineered coalition party but also by discursively positing a new, inclusive identity space throughout the campaign and advocating a politics of inter-ethnic harmony in the country. Therefore, I set to analyze how Persad-Bissessar engaged in a multi-levelled discursive construction of identities, defining her role as the first woman PM candidate in the history of the country, legitimizing her coalition solution to political tribalisms, as well as fostering a wider national sense of belonging. As political communication has increasingly grown beyond the realm of verbal language, understanding Persad-Bissessar's political meaning-making required both the analysis of her election speeches as well as the study of a number of multimodal texts, such as video and printed ads as well as official portraits, which played a crucial role in the political advertising of her coalition. Within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework, I will combine the 'Discourse-Historical Approach' (Wodak and Meyer 2009) for the analysis of Persad-Bissessar's textual data and Kress and van Leeuwen's (1996) 'Visual Grammar' for the analysis of the visual data. Although the English-speaking Caribbean is home to the largest set of continuing democracies among postcolonial countries around the globe, political discourse from the archipelago is yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The analysis of political discourse in Trinidad and Tobago has the potential to shed light on the complexities, struggles and contradictions of the postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago by integrating knowledge about historical sources and the social and political environment within which discourse as social practice is embedded. Starting from the analysis of political discourse, this work aims at offering a new, discursive perspective on ethnicity, identity and power in Trinidad and Tobago as well as increasing scholarly awareness for the development of a critical interpretative stance for political texts and talks beyond the Euro-American zone.
La tesi si propone come obiettivo di dimostrare nel quadro di un'indagine comparatistica l'importanza della tematica del finanziamento della politica, del rapporto tra denaro e politica, nelle democrazie contemporanee. In questo senso ci si propone di sviluppare i nessi esistenti nell'ambito del tema del finanziamento fra disciplina dei partiti, disciplina delle campagne elettorali e, più in generale, disciplina del sistema elettorale in senso stretto e della forma di governo; di descrivere il complesso quadro giuridico in materia di diritto della finanza politica, oggetto di frequenti aggiornamenti e in continua evoluzione, in alcuni casi anche in via giurisprudenziale, quale risulta emergere dallo studio di ciascun ordinamento considerato; e di definire in conclusione i precisi contorni dei due distinti modelli di «finanziamento della politica» ricostruiti dalla ricerca politologica come modello statalista o pubblico, da una parte, e modello liberale o volontario, dall'altra, pur nelle specificità di ogni contesto istituzionale ; The research discusses political financing in a comparative perspective and aims to show the importance of the relationship between money and politics in contemporary democracies. We discuss the connections between party funding and campaign finance on one hand, and party regulation and regulations governing electoral campaigns on the other hand; we describe the complexities of the legal framework of political finance laws and their always evolving and ever-changing rules; we finally evaluates two different models of political financing, as evidenced by the study of each country surveyed (Germany, France, Spain, United Kingdom, Italy, and the United States).
In february 2017, an open letter appeared on Italian newspapers signed by about 600 academics, which denounced the decline of Italian students' schooling skills. From this letter, and from an answer signed by as many academics, a rather heated debate has arisen that went through the media world (from print media, to online newspapers, to radio and television). In the same days, when the controversy was raging, a journalist intervened with an editorial in which he traced the root of the educational crisis in certain political, ideological and cultural positions. This further line of discourse intertwined with the other, accentuating the polemic view of the discussion. The research presents the materials produced within the debate, analyzes the extremism on two positions forcedly placed in antithetical and polemical tones and proposes a reading of the story in terms of a "new linguistic debate" by means of discourse analysis and the concept of "authoritarian language". ; Nel febbraio 2017 è stata pubblicata una lettera aperta, firmata da circa 600 accademici, che denunciava il declino delle competenze scolastiche degli studenti italiani. Da questa prima lettera, e da una seconda di risposta firmata da altrettanti accademici, è nato un dibattito acceso che ha percorso il mondo mediatico (dalla carta stampata, ai giornali online, a radio e televisione). Negli stessi giorni in cui infuriava la polemica, un giornalista interveniva con un editoriale in cui riconduceva a certe posizioni politiche, ideologiche e culturali la radice educativa. Questa ulteriore linea di discorso si è intrecciata all'altra accentuando la vis polemica della discussione. La ricerca presenta i materiali prodotti all'interno del dibattito, ne analizza l'estremizzarsi su due posizioni forzosamente poste in toni antitetici e polemici (declino vs. progresso) e propone una lettura della vicenda in termini di "nuovissima questione della lingua" utilizzando la cornice teorica dell'analisi del discorso e il concetto di "linguaggio autoritario".
A review essay on books by (1) Jennifer Lees-Marshment, Political Marketing and British Political Parties (Manchester: Manchester U Press, 2001); (2) Bruce I. Newman (Ed), Handbook of Political Marketing (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1999); & (3) Fritz Plasser & Gunda Plasser, Global Political Campaigning. A Worldwide Analysis of Campaign Professionals and Their Practices (Westport: Praeger, 2002). The reviewer aims to delineate a general overview about political marketing, a subject located somewhere among political science, communication, psychology, & marketing. This subject is not well known in the Italian academic & professional panorama, but is quite developed in the Anglo-Saxon countries, especially after Downs's book on the "economic democracy." This contribution distinguishes between two different approaches to political marketing: The "reductionist" approach confines political marketing to the use of sophisticated technologies of communication & polling for the electoral campaign. The "holistic" approach considers instead the political marketing as a completely new paradigm, through which one can "read" & understand the entire complex of political phenomena. The article ends with an analysis of chances & risks regarding the application of marketing principles in the political arena. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Questo articolo presenta una analisi del contenuto effettuata durante i tre mesi precedenti alla campagna elettorale del febbraio 2013. L'analisi è stata effettuata su programmi di intrattenimento politico quali: quattro talk show (Ballarò, Servizio Pubblico, La quinta colonna, Porta a Porta); due programmi di approfondimento su diversi temi dell'attualità condotti attraverso interviste (Che Tempo che fa e Le Invasioni Barbariche); due contenitori mattutini quali Uno mattina e Mattino 5, uno pomeridiano Pomeriggio 5, i dibattiti di Domenica Live e infine un programma satirico come Striscia la notizia. L'analisi mette in relazione il livello di logica dei media dei programmi rispetto alle rappresentazioni che sono date dei politici quando sono assenti e rispetto alle performance dei politici. La ricerca discute due risultati principali: 1) i politici accettano livelli crescenti di media logic solo fino a una certa soglia, dopo la quale si sottraggono alle regole imposte dai programmi, 2) l'atteggiamento più marcatamente pop è spesso mantenuto dai politici per favorire e incorniciare contenuti politici.This paper presents a content analysis accomplished during the three months of the Italian election campaign in Febraury 2013. The analysis has been made on political entertaining program: four talk shows (Ballarò, Servizio Pubblico, La quinta colonna, Porta a Porta); two TV programs on current affairs (Che Tempo che fa e Le Invasioni Barbariche); two breakfast TV programs (Uno mattina e Mattino 5) and one afternoon TV program, Pomeriggio 5; the fake news Striscia la Notizia. The analysis inquiries the representations that the TV programs make of politics and politicians both when the political actor is on the stage and when is behind the scene. The research discusses two main results: 1) politicians do not accept a higher and higher level of media logic imposed by the TV programs; 2) politicians follow the media logic in order to pursue their own political logic.
