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Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

Svein Mønnesland, professor emeritus at the University of Oslo, reviews Yugoslavia and Political Assassinations: The History and Legacy of Tito's Campaign against the Émigrés, by Christian Axboe Nielsen, published in 2020 by I.B. Tauris.

The first great international conflict of the Modern times in the North Europe was the Livonian war, that lasted for about twenty years. In the final stages of this conflict two major powers - the Poland-Lithuania state and Russian the Grand duchy of Moscow opposed each other in series of the final decisive battles. In 1575–1577 Russia tried to establish it's domination in Livonia invading territories controlled by Sweden and Lithuania. King Stephanus Bathorius mobilized financial and human resourses of the Lithuanian-Polish nobility and in person took part in modernization of the army and planning of military actions. In 1578 the Lithuanian army regained initiative and began repulsion of Russian forces from Livonia. In 1579 joined Lithuanian-Polish army recaptured Polock district. In 1580 Livonia was almost cut from Russia by deep invasion in Velikie Luki region. Objective of the final campaign of 1581 was Pskov city, but after long blockade Pskov wasn't taken. Finally Russia was military defeated and agreed on withdrawal from Livonia by the peace Zapole Jama 1582. During the war the Lithuanian army was independent and the largest part of the joined forces but during all campaigns it played secondary role and was used mostly for blockade of Russian strongholds and cutting of reinforcement routes. The Major action taken by the Lithuanians during these campaigns was daring expeditions into depths of Russia. After the war lack of the Lithuanian military strength allowed Polish. [to full text]

The first great international conflict of the Modern times in the North Europe was the Livonian war, that lasted for about twenty years. In the final stages of this conflict two major powers - the Poland-Lithuania state and Russian the Grand duchy of Moscow opposed each other in series of the final decisive battles. In 1575–1577 Russia tried to establish it's domination in Livonia invading territories controlled by Sweden and Lithuania. King Stephanus Bathorius mobilized financial and human resourses of the Lithuanian-Polish nobility and in person took part in modernization of the army and planning of military actions. In 1578 the Lithuanian army regained initiative and began repulsion of Russian forces from Livonia. In 1579 joined Lithuanian-Polish army recaptured Polock district. In 1580 Livonia was almost cut from Russia by deep invasion in Velikie Luki region. Objective of the final campaign of 1581 was Pskov city, but after long blockade Pskov wasn't taken. Finally Russia was military defeated and agreed on withdrawal from Livonia by the peace Zapole Jama 1582. During the war the Lithuanian army was independent and the largest part of the joined forces but during all campaigns it played secondary role and was used mostly for blockade of Russian strongholds and cutting of reinforcement routes. The Major action taken by the Lithuanians during these campaigns was daring expeditions into depths of Russia. After the war lack of the Lithuanian military strength allowed Polish. [to full text]

The first great international conflict of the Modern times in the North Europe was the Livonian war, that lasted for about twenty years. In the final stages of this conflict two major powers - the Poland-Lithuania state and Russian the Grand duchy of Moscow opposed each other in series of the final decisive battles. In 1575–1577 Russia tried to establish it's domination in Livonia invading territories controlled by Sweden and Lithuania. King Stephanus Bathorius mobilized financial and human resourses of the Lithuanian-Polish nobility and in person took part in modernization of the army and planning of military actions. In 1578 the Lithuanian army regained initiative and began repulsion of Russian forces from Livonia. In 1579 joined Lithuanian-Polish army recaptured Polock district. In 1580 Livonia was almost cut from Russia by deep invasion in Velikie Luki region. Objective of the final campaign of 1581 was Pskov city, but after long blockade Pskov wasn't taken. Finally Russia was military defeated and agreed on withdrawal from Livonia by the peace Zapole Jama 1582. During the war the Lithuanian army was independent and the largest part of the joined forces but during all campaigns it played secondary role and was used mostly for blockade of Russian strongholds and cutting of reinforcement routes. The Major action taken by the Lithuanians during these campaigns was daring expeditions into depths of Russia. After the war lack of the Lithuanian military strength allowed Polish. [to full text]

Questions concerning the bias of media content and the role it plays in political process are important when discussing aspects of informa-quality and quantity. Bias by definition means that media content is deliberately - as opposed to accidentally - skewed. Media bias is intentional. There is little reason to describe one article per se as biased as a single report may be unbalanced or inaccurate. By its nature, bias is persistent over a period of time. The term, persistent, is intended to applied to longer periods of time (i.e. weeks, month, years, etc.) A bias can change because bias is in principle ideological (i.e. if the goals of a given media entity change, so may its bias). This article analyzes bias in national daily newspapers as they covered the Lithuanian presidential campaign in 2004. It assumes that unbiased reporting constitutes balanced reporting. The article presents research data where the amount of text and visual information are both measured. This information was published in every national daily newspaper during the election campaign and is specifically concerned with candidates. The information is evaluated in the article as whether its content was favourable, neutral or unfavourable to the campaign of a given candidate. The quantity of each candidate's advertising in newspapers during the campaign period is also measured. Results in the research show the level of bias in national daily newspapers during the presidential campaign and correlations between the amount of any given candidate s advertising and the degree of favourable, neutral and unfavourable information concerning that given candidate. In some cases of national daily newspapers Pearson correlations are statistically significant.

Questions concerning the bias of media content and the role it plays in political process are important when discussing aspects of informa-quality and quantity. Bias by definition means that media content is deliberately - as opposed to accidentally - skewed. Media bias is intentional. There is little reason to describe one article per se as biased as a single report may be unbalanced or inaccurate. By its nature, bias is persistent over a period of time. The term, persistent, is intended to applied to longer periods of time (i.e. weeks, month, years, etc.) A bias can change because bias is in principle ideological (i.e. if the goals of a given media entity change, so may its bias). This article analyzes bias in national daily newspapers as they covered the Lithuanian presidential campaign in 2004. It assumes that unbiased reporting constitutes balanced reporting. The article presents research data where the amount of text and visual information are both measured. This information was published in every national daily newspaper during the election campaign and is specifically concerned with candidates. The information is evaluated in the article as whether its content was favourable, neutral or unfavourable to the campaign of a given candidate. The quantity of each candidate's advertising in newspapers during the campaign period is also measured. Results in the research show the level of bias in national daily newspapers during the presidential campaign and correlations between the amount of any given candidate s advertising and the degree of favourable, neutral and unfavourable information concerning that given candidate. In some cases of national daily newspapers Pearson correlations are statistically significant.

Questions concerning the bias of media content and the role it plays in political process are important when discussing aspects of informa-quality and quantity. Bias by definition means that media content is deliberately - as opposed to accidentally - skewed. Media bias is intentional. There is little reason to describe one article per se as biased as a single report may be unbalanced or inaccurate. By its nature, bias is persistent over a period of time. The term, persistent, is intended to applied to longer periods of time (i.e. weeks, month, years, etc.) A bias can change because bias is in principle ideological (i.e. if the goals of a given media entity change, so may its bias). This article analyzes bias in national daily newspapers as they covered the Lithuanian presidential campaign in 2004. It assumes that unbiased reporting constitutes balanced reporting. The article presents research data where the amount of text and visual information are both measured. This information was published in every national daily newspaper during the election campaign and is specifically concerned with candidates. The information is evaluated in the article as whether its content was favourable, neutral or unfavourable to the campaign of a given candidate. The quantity of each candidate's advertising in newspapers during the campaign period is also measured. Results in the research show the level of bias in national daily newspapers during the presidential campaign and correlations between the amount of any given candidate s advertising and the degree of favourable, neutral and unfavourable information concerning that given candidate. In some cases of national daily newspapers Pearson correlations are statistically significant.