Suchergebnisse

The 2008 campaign for the presidency has provided American citizens with surprises as well as opportunities in terms of choosing a new president. The long primary season that ran from January to June resulted in nominees - - John McCain (R) and Barack Obama (D) - - who were not the likely winners of their respective parties. As far as Democrats were concerned, Hillary Clinton was the front-runner and heir apparent to the Democratic nomination. On the Republican side, John McCain's faltering campaign in the early months of the primary season suggested that Republicans would end up selecting another nominee. All in all, the primary season provided Americans with a host of candidates one of whom might serve as a "first" - - the first African-American (Barack Obama) the first woman (Hillary Clinton), the first Hispanic (Bill Richardson), the first Morman (Mitt Romney) or the oldest nominee (John McCain).Both parties had a variety of candidates vying for the nomination of their party but it was the Democratic party that provided the most interest among citizens and media pundits alike. The primary contest between Obama and Clinton would test the mettle of both candidates as they crisscrossed the country in their respective attempt to capture delegates for the summer convention. In the end, Obama squeaked out a victory in one of the closest contests in party history. Two questions became inevitable at this point - - namely, would Hillary Clinton campaign for Obama and would supporters of Clinton, especially female voters, support Obama. On the Republican side, Rudy Giuliani, Fred Thompson, Mitt Romney, Mike Huckabee, Ron Paul were pushed aside, one by one, by a resurgent McCain campaign.Both Obama and McCain have supporters and opponents. While targeting traditional Democratic constituencies, Obama has also focused on the youthful cohort, young people 18-29 years old who have traditionally been ignored or neglected by major party candidates. Obama, however, pursued a campaign similar to that of Bill Clinton in 1992 when he too sought the support of young people. As noted in a recent article in Time Magazine (January 31, 2008), Obama is looking forward to a "youthquake" to help him win the White House. What the Clinton campaign of 1992 and the Obama campaign of 2008 have in common is the likelihood of a very close election and therefore the need to attract and recruit all segments of the American electorate. Of course, as has happened in other campaigns, young people have failed to register to vote and/or have failed to turn up on election day. Critics have argued that Obama lacks executive experience in general and in foreign policy in particular. McCain has a following among those who like his "maverick" approach to politics and willingness to buck even his own party when necessary. He was also a POW during the Vietnam War that has given him sympathy among citizens and members of the armed forces. On the other hand, McCain has been in a similar situation as George Bush (the father) - - namely conservatives who idolized Ronald Reagan were not so eager to give their support to Bush (the father) and two decades later, they have had second thoughts about the conservative credentials of McCain.Obama's and McCain's choice of running mate added excitement to the presidential contest. The junior senator from Illinois selected the longtime senator from Delaware, Joe Biden, as his running mate. By choosing Biden, Obama added a senator who had valuable experience in two very important aspects of American Politics - - namely, a legislator who had a clear understanding about the operation of the U.S. Senate and one who had foreign policy experience. In contrast, John McCain, who some thought would choose Romney to shore up his lack of expertise on economic matters, chose instead Sarah Palin, a relatively unknown governor of Alaska as his partner in the presidential contest. By choosing Palin, McCain shook up the race by attempting to bolster his support among conservatives with a very conservative running mate and to appeal to female voters by adding a woman to the Republican ticket for the first time in history. While Biden was well known among politicos and media pundits, Palin was a novelty - - unknown and therefore the likely target of media attention. Where Democrats questioned and criticized McCain's choice of Palin, Republicans, especially conservative Republicans, were very enthusiastic about her which helped to bolster the McCain-Palin ticket in the short term. Inevitably, however, both vice-presidential candidates were scrutinized since both carried "baggage" into the presidential contest. Biden has a history of verbal errors and has been criticized for "plagiarizing" comments used by other public officials. Palin has been accused of heavy-handed politics even by fellow Republicans in Alaska and with less than 50 days left in the run up to the election, she is involved in a troubling scandal involving allegations that she used her power as governor to fire the "top cop" in Alaska because he refused to fire an Alaska state trooper who divorced Palin's sister.One of the fascinating aspects of the 2008 presidential campaign is the involvement of a large number of young people - - the so-called Millenium generation - - who have been mobilized in a way not seen since young people worked to lower the voting age from 21 to 18 in the early 1970s. Although about 55% of young people voted in the 1972 presidential election, voter turnout among members of the youthful cohort has declined over the years (except for a slight upward bump in 1992) dropping to 32% during the 2000 presidential election. However, young people once again began to show interest in the electoral process and their participation increased in the 2004 and 2006 elections to about 42%. What makes this demographic important is that young people 18-29 make up approximately 44 million potential voters - - about 20% of the American electorate. Both issues and technology have played a role in energizing young people. The economy and jobs, along with terrorism and the war in Iraq, constitute the major issues identified by them in recent polls, the same issues of concern to older voters. Where younger and older voters diverge is found in the types of technology used by young voters and employed by the Obama campaign, in particular, to reach out to them. This form of communication includes Facebook and YouTube among others. It is interesting to note that young people are not a solid block with about a third identifying as Democrats, a third identifying as Republicans and a third identifying as Independents. If the youthful cohort is paying more attention to this election and has demonstrated an upward turn in participation as shown by increased turnout in the 2008 primary season, young people have the potential to play an important role in the 2008 presidential election. In fact, three out of four young people, 18-29, feel that the country is headed in the wrong direction, an indicator not good for the legacy of the Bush administration or the prospects of the McCain campaign, at least among this youthful constituency.Eight years ago, the Bush Administration inherited a balanced budget, a budget surplus and a country at peace. However, life in the U.S. changed on 9/11 but more importantly in March 2003 with the invasion of Iraq by the U.S. Moreover, the economy has deteriorated with huge budget and trade deficits, home foreclosures, infrastructure needs and the collapse of financial institutions. Against a backdrop of a very unpopular Republican president, a country at war and economic deterioration, the McCain-Obama presidential contest has taken on added importance making the 2008 presidential election very consequential for the American electorate.As the McCain and Obama campaigns are engaged in the race for the presidency, each candidate will have the opportunity to speak directly to the American people in three debates. It is very likely that the first debate on September 26 in Oxford, Mississippi will draw a large audience tuning in to watch and compare the candidates. Moreover, the one and only debate taking place in St. Louis, Missouri on October 2 between vice presidential candidates, Biden and Palin, will also draw a large audience in an effort to better understand and evaluate the candidates who might be only a heart beat away from becoming president.By September 2008 the race between Obama and McCain is considered very close as reflected by national polls and the electoral college map of states. While national polls are interesting they are not helpful since the U.S. does not select its president by the popular vote. Instead, we need to look at each state and where it falls in terms of its electoral vote allotment. In short, the country is still divided in terms of red and blue states although each campaign is trying to flip some states to their side.By mid-September, according to Cable News Network (CNN), Obama has 223 electoral votes from states that are strongly on his side or leaning toward him while McCain has 200 electoral votes from states that are strongly on his side or leaning toward him. With 538 electoral votes in play, Obama or McCain will need to secure 270 of these votes to win the election.Although there are some states where there is the possibility of reversal from one party to the other, the real focus of attention is on the handful of competitive or "battleground" states that include mid-Atlantic Virginia that hasn't voted Democratic since supporting Lyndon Johnson in 1964 but now finds itself with the McCain and Obama camps currently locked in a tight race. Large electoral states in play include Florida, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota. Western states that are important to both Obama and McCain are Colorado and Nevada. Small but not to be ignored is New Hampshire in the New England region of the U.S. The important point is that, taken together, these states have 115 electoral votes that are important to winning the White House.As the 2008 presidential campaign unfolds, the results will be important not only for American citizens but also for the international community. Professor of Political Science Old Dominion University Norfolk, Virginia USA

Contains a political flier advocating the 1926 candidacy of General Lazaro Chacon. ; Electronic version ; Typescript.

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

This is a study of campaign speeches between two Japanese politicians during the House of Councilors (i.e., Lower House) election in the summer of 2010. Although the traditional "report-talk" on policies and issues is still em- braced by experienced politicians, a new style of "rapport-talk" has emerged in the Japanese political scene. This style of emphasizing emotion and empathy has been accepted with enthusiasm by Japanese people. This suggests that the Japanese political discourse system is in a transitional period. ; Éste es un estudio de los discursos de campaña de dos políticos japoneses durante las elecciones del House of Councilors (Cámara Baja) en el verano de 2010. Aunque el lenguaje "de la información" ("report-talk") utilizado en asuntos de estado aún lo utilizan políticos experimentados, un nuevo estilo de "rapport-talk" (lenguaje "de la afinidad") ha surgido en la escena política japonesa. Este estilo que tiene como finalidad enfatizar las emociones y la empatía ha sido aceptado con entusiasmo por el ciudadano japonés. Esto sugiere que el discurso político japonés está en un periodo de transición.

The International Community undertook, as one of the millennium goals, to guarantee access to education for all people. This is the global campaign for education. ; La Comunidad Internacional se comprometió, como uno de los objetivos del milenio, a garantizar el acceso a la educación a todas las personas. En ello consiste esta campaña mundial por la educación.

El propósito de este trabajo es analizar las campañas electorales organizadas por los candidatos y los partidos políticos durante el proceso de elecciones presidenciales de 2018 en México. Se aborda desde la perspectiva teórica del pluralismo democrático como condición política necesaria para el desarrollo de prácticas políticas y de comunicación novedosas, las que se caracterizaron, por un lado, por la flexibilización de las plataformas ideológicas tradicionales de los principales partidos competidores, que dotaron de un carácter especialmente pragmático a este proceso al formalizar coaliciones políticas inéditas. Y, por otro lado, esta condición democrática facilitó el despliegue de estrategias de comunicación que por sus características se denominan: tierra, digital y aire, en las cuales se usaron de forma intensiva recursos financieros, técnicos y humanos autorizados por el INE para dar a conocer sus proyectos de gobierno, incrementando la interacción entre candidatos y electores y promoviendo con ello la pluralización política del votante y la participación electoral de forma dirigida.

Can televised political advertising change voting behavior in elections held in authoritarian regimes? We study the case of Chile, where the opposition used television campaigns weeks before the election that ended the Pinochet regime. We show that after campaigns were launched, firms linked to Pinochet lost stock market value, confirming the contemporaneous importance of television. Using national surveys conducted before the election and administrative electoral data, we provide evidence of a positive effect of television exposure on opposition votes. These results suggest that televised political campaigns can help to defeat dictators at the polls.

The essay makes a description of the strategical role the play public relations during electoral campaigns. In the beginning, the essay conceptualizes public relations and its connection with political campaigns. It is argued that make an electoral campaign imply a public relation activity with the objective of knowing the voters and make up different political strategies to get their votes and, consequently, avoid the opposition can win the political power. It is concluded that the successful in a political campaigns depends on the creative, intelligent and innovative use of public relations. ; El escrito hace una descripción del papel estratégico que juegan las relaciones públicas en las campañas electorales. Se inicia con la conceptualización de las relaciones públicas y su relación con la política (en lo general) y con la política electoral (en lo particular). Se argumenta que el impulso de una campaña electoral implica un ejercicio de relaciones públicas con el objetivo de conocer a los electores y de diseñar diferentes estrategias para conseguir su voto y así evitar que los adversarios logren arribar a posiciones de representación pública. Se concluye que el éxito o fracaso de una campaña electoral dependerá de la capacidad que se tenga como individuos o como organizaciones para lograr un manejo creativo, oportuno e inteligente de las relaciones públicas.

This study examines the campaign websites of presidential candidates during the 2007 election in France and the 2008 presidential campaign in the U.S. Positing the Internet and social networks as a manifestation of popular culture, it examines the reasons for the use of information technology in electoral campaigns. It also attempts to elucidate the reasons for the adoption of the codes of popular culture by exploring the concept of informalization as well as the significance of emotion in online campaign strategies.

The article investigates the strategy of forming the image of the political leader in the context of the presidential election campaign. It points out the importance of the creation of professional images in the political activity of political leaders during their pre-electoral career. in addition, the concept of archetypes and their importance in the formation of the image of a political leader is outlined. The political images of the leaders of the presidential race of the United States of America are characterized. In the research aims to establish the meaning of the image for a political leader, the strategies of its formation and determine the prospects for future research. The methodology of the research is determined using methods of analysis, synthesis, behaviorist, systemic, structural-functional approach. It is concluded that, political imaging reveals a variety of technologies to improve speech, behavior, pronunciation of convenient words in the implementation of political activity. The lack of a thorough and complex analysis of this issue is evidenced by the fact that the number of scientific studies on the problem of political image in the context of the presidential campaign is scarce, at least in Ukraine.

Foreign policy towards Latin America in the period March to September 2019 was somewhat characterised by a low level of activity mainly due to the country's electoral landscape, which was shared with two other neighbouring countries: Bolivia and Uruguay. On 11 August, officialism was defeated in the PASO elections by a greater than expected difference, which undermined the legitimacy of the President-in-Office with the particularity that the elections defined only pre-emptive ones. The result was a context of great uncertainty regarding the near future (the general elections would be in October, two months later, and the handover in December, four months later). Between 12 August, the day on which the relative calm that the exchange rate had had weeks before the elections came back to the aires, and on 27 October, the day of the general elections, we saw the paradox of a legitimate candidate who had no office or formal decision-making power, who actually began to roll out an international agenda which he intensified after he finally became successful in October, but also with a smaller margin than expected, living side by side with a president whose political livelihood seemed to be tempting and who became a key priority: recovering in the elections, disciplining dissident voices within their space and positioning themselves as the leader of the future opposition, as well as the manism built around the possibility to turn it back and its impressive scenisation in the mass marches around the country. In this complex context, there are three issues to highlight outside bilateral relations with individual countries in the region: firstly, the situation in Venezuela addressed jointly by the Lima Group. Secondly, the signing of a free trade agreement between Mercosur and the EU, which the Argentinian government was tasked with promoting in its speeches as the main achievement of its external policy and even more so in recent years of Argentinian diplomacy. Thirdly, in April Argentina formally withdrew from Unasur, ...

El debate sobre el efecto del dinero invertido en campañas sobre los resultados de las elecciones ha puesto en tela de juicio cuestiones centrales sobre la calidad de la democracia y la efectividad de las elecciones como mecanismo de control ciudadano. El gasto en campaña es una variable central a la hora de evaluar su éxito, por lo tanto, la forma en que se mide influye en las conclusiones a las que se llega con respecto a su efecto en los resultados de una elección. En este artículo se utiliza el caso chileno (específicamente, las elecciones de 2005 y 2009) para analizar los dos métodos más comunes de medir el gasto en campaña y proponer un tercero que estima de mejor forma sus efectos. Esta contribución metodológica complementa y refina el conocimiento que ya se poseía sobre la forma en que el gasto afecta los resultados electorales, a la vez que abre una línea de investigación que permite evaluar otros aspectos de la dinámica que relaciona el gasto en campañas con el desempeño electoral. Sugerimos que el camino a seguir se centre en la fiscalización del gasto efectivo y no en reducir los límites al gasto reportado.

President Barack Obama has launched his re-election campaign by means of a digital video that he has sent over the Internet to 13 million supporters who helped drive his historical campaign in 2008. In the USA social networks are the main vehicles of election campaigns, but in Spain, for now, this is not the case. This aim of this investigation is to analyse the use that the leaders of the main political parties have made of social networks in the last municipal and regional elections held in Spain on 22 May 2011, taking the Madrid Autonomous Region candidates for the PP (People's Party) and PSOE (Socialist Party), Esperanza Aguirre and Tomás Gómez, respectively, as examples. We performed a qualitative and quantitative analysis of all the messages launched by both facebook and twitter and demonstrating the impact of networks on the election results in Spain has been practically nil. Spanish politicians have understood the importance of being in the nets, but they have not understood its true use. 15-M movement through social networks, monopolized the media information about the campaign, but the networks did not affect voting behavior. ; El presidente Barack Obama ha lanzado su campaña de reelección con un vídeo digital enviado por Internet a 13 millones de partidarios que ayudaron a impulsar su histórica campaña en 2008. En EE.UU. las redes sociales son las protagonistas de las campañas electorales, pero en España, de momento, no se puede decir lo mismo. Esta investigación tiene por objeto analizar el uso que han hecho los líderes de los principales partidos políticos de las redes sociales en las últimas elecciones municipales y autonómicas celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011, tomando como ejemplo a los candidatos a la CC.AA. de Madrid del PP y el PSOE, Esperanza Aguirre y Tomás Gómez. Se ha realizado un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de todos los mensajes lanzados por ambos en facebook y twitter y se demostrará que la repercusión de las redes en los resultados electorales en España ha sido prácticamente nula. Los políticos españoles han entendido la importancia de estar en las redes, pero no han entendido su verdadero uso. El movimiento 15-M, a través de las redes sociales, monopolizó la información de los medios sobre la campaña, pero las redes no modificaron el comportamiento electoral.

El presidente Barack Obama ha lanzado su campaña de reelección con un vídeo digital enviado por Internet a 13 millones de partidarios que ayudaron a impulsar su histórica campaña en 2008. En EE.UU. las redes sociales son las protagonistas de las campañas electorales, pero en España, de momento, no se puede decir lo mismo. Esta investigación tiene por objeto analizar el uso que han hecho los líderes de los principales partidos políticos de las redes sociales en las últimas elecciones municipales y autonómicas celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011, tomando como ejemplo a los candidatos a la CC.AA. de Madrid del PP y el PSOE, Esperanza Aguirre y Tomás Gómez. Se ha realizado un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de todos los mensajes lanzados por ambos en facebook y twitter y se demostrará que la repercusión de las redes en los resultados electorales en España ha sido prácticamente nula. Los políticos españoles han entendido la importancia de estar en las redes, pero no han entendido su verdadero uso. El movimiento 15-M, a través de las redes sociales, monopolizó la información de los medios sobre la campaña, pero las redes no modificaron el comportamiento electoral. ; President Barack Obama has launched his re-election campaign by means of a digital video that he has sent over the Internet to 13 million supporters who helped drive his historical campaign in 2008. In the USA social networks are the main vehicles of election campaigns, but in Spain, for now, this is not the case. This aim of this investigation is to analyse the use that the leaders of the main political parties have made of social networks in the last municipal and regional elections held in Spain on 22 May 2011, taking the Madrid Autonomous Region candidates for the PP (People's Party) and PSOE (Socialist Party), Esperanza Aguirre and Tomás Gómez, respectively, as examples. We performed a qualitative and quantitative analysis of all the messages launched by both facebook and twitter and demonstrating the impact of networks on the election results in Spain has been practically nil. Spanish politicians have understood the importance of being in the nets, but they have not understood its true use. 15-M movement through social networks, monopolized the media information about the campaign, but the networks did not affect voting behavior.