OFFENTLIG SPRÅKPOLITIKK KVA KAN VI LÆRE AV CANADA?
In: Stat & styring, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 14-15
ISSN: 0809-750X
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In: Stat & styring, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 14-15
ISSN: 0809-750X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 569-578
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 215-232
ISSN: 2387-4562
Sámi law is the law of the Indigenous Sámi people. The territory where Sámi have historically lived is called Sápmi and encompasses parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. This article builds on the premise that Sámi law exists in Sápmi, in parallel with national laws. However, in terms of methodology and content, the scope of research on Sámi law compared to research about Indigenous law in Canada is limited. This article first describes an Indigenous law research methodology which approaches stories as a source of Indigenous law. The methodology was developed in Canada and applied to the Canadian Access to Justice and Reconciliation Project. The article then discusses this research methodology in relation to Sámi law.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 280-309
ISSN: 2387-4562
In Canada, comprehensive land claims agreements – often called modern treaties – between the government and Indigenous nations include provisions prescribing how disputes between treaty parties are to be resolved. Experiences with these dispute resolution mechanisms vary across treaty contexts and there is substantial variance in the terms of these treaties. To date, this dimension of modern treaty implementation has received minimal scholarly attention, despite calls for such research. Drawing on specific examples, this article sets a foundation for further research by examining the significant variation across different treaties' dispute resolution mechanisms and commenting on key differences, similarities and other notable features. A key focus of the analysis is on the observable evolution of these mechanisms from a relatively narrow arbitration board model to a more flexible "staged approach". The analysis suggests that the latter may provide a stronger basis for joint problem-solving and integrative bargaining, notwithstanding open questions about the extent to which such approaches are warranted in fraught Crown-Indigenous relationships in Canada. The article also discusses the conspicuous absence of dispute resolution mechanisms that accommodate, let alone require, approaches rooted in the traditional or cultural practices of Indigenous treaty parties. Observations throughout are contextualized in relation to a growing body of jurisprudence and a broader context of fast-changing federal law and policy in Canada, which may set the stage for amendments to the dispute resolution provisions of modern treaties.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 138-141
ISSN: 2387-4562
The Research Handbook on Climate Change Adaptation Policy... is a collection of contributions on the theme of climate change adaption policies... [T]he contributors offer a unique bird's eye view from the perspective of 14 countries: Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Kenya, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, the U.K. and the U.S.A....
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 667-680
ISSN: 0020-577X
Since small countries like Norway can seldom affect the policies of superpowers, an important question to ask is whether Norway could influence the human right situation in China through dialogue and co-operation? In the West, China has been known for human rights violations exemplified by the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. During the first decade of the 21st century the tone has changed, however. While the human right situation is still bad in China, the country has signed and ratified many UN conventions, engaged in human rights dialogues with Norway, Canada and Australia, and slowly increased the civil liberties of its citizens. The Norwegian dialogue with China has taken place on three levels: political consultation, roundtable discussions, and diplomat meetings. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 360-382
ISSN: 2387-4562
New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states' Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA's, but with less global ambition.