Turbulence will mark the world economy in the coming decade as Canada's traditional trading partners in North America and Europe struggle with slow growth and rising structural unemployment and move, as they must, to restore the health of their public finances. Settling for the status quo is not a compelling option as the US border thickens and Canada stays on the sidelines in two areas vital to its long-term interest: climate change policy and trade liberalization. In this context, the Policy Brief evaluates the strategic options for Canada's long-standing economic relationship with the United States. The authors propose a two-part proactive strategy. The first part is for Canada to differentiate its economy by building on its macroeconomic, financial and energy strengths relative to the United States and by shaping a best-practice North American climate change policy. The second part of the strategy is to deepen NAFTA by participating in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a comprehensive, highquality FTA that has strategic attention of the US administration. Any country can join by accepting the agreement's provisions. The TPP offers at least two strategic opportunities: a comprehensive negotiation in which Canada, the United States and Mexico could upgrade NAFTA and a way to diversify and deepen trade and investment liberalization with major economies in the Asia-Pacific region.
Most volumes are preceded by Imperial Statutes, Orders in Council, treaties relating to or affecting Canada, etc. Beginning in 1921, this section is entitled "Préfixe du statut." ; Royal printer varies. ; Acts of some sessions issued in 2 or more pts. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; French ed. of: Acts of the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada.
Canada has been a long-time key producer and global supplier of uranium. It has produced more uranium than any other country, close to 500,000 tU since 1942. It also hosts the world´s largest operating mine (in terms of annual production), mill and refinery and is home to the world´s largest high-grade uranium deposits. Given its high concentrations, Canada is the only producer that has to "water down" its rock. Over seven decades, Canada´s production of uranium has evolved from being dedicated to fulfilling military contracts in the 1940s and 1950s to being focused on the environment, non-proliferation and safety. Initially a state secret, uranium mining and trade have become transparent with a public hearing-based licensing process, regulatory oversight and annual reporting of operational safety and environmental performance. This level of transparency and regulation is unparalled by any other industry in Canada, forming the basis of Canada´s reputation as a solid and steady supplier. This study analyses the Canadian uranium supply industry, the evolution of its development, and the legal framework that regulates uranium production and trade in Canada. It is part of the larger Governing Uranium project led by the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), which explores the dimensions of security of natural uranium in a changing global market.
The paper considers a variety of sources of potential climate liability in Canada. Sources considered include the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, jurisdictional issues, aboriginal rights, the public trust, judicial review of regulatory decisions, tort principles of such as nuisance, negligence, and strict liability, securities litigation, legislative issues under federal and provincial legislation, such as species at risk Acts, environmental assessment processes, and the role of public international law in climate litigation in Canada. Various opportunities to petition national and international institutions on climate issues are also identified.co-authors: Dennis Mahony and Alex Smith
Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1980 .B766. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, page: . Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1981.
Until recently, the meaning and origin of the Canadian university degree was well understood by Canadians and around the world. Degrees were only offered by universities and the use of the label university was controlled by legislation in each of the ten provinces and three territories. Institutional membership in the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada signified that an institution was a university-level institution. However, the increased demand in the last two decades of the 20th century for access to university-level degrees has resulted in the provincial-level approval of degrees that are offered in non-university settings. As a result of the increased proliferation of these non-university delivered degrees, the provincial-level degree accreditation processes and the university-level degree granting standards, as represented in the membership criteria for AUCC, are no longer aligned. In this paper, the author traces the changes in degree granting in Canada over the past 15 years or so. Current provincial policies and recent decisions regarding degree granting are outlined. The author suggests a number of implications of the current degree accreditation process in Canada, including the emergence of a new kind of tiering of Canadian undergraduate degrees where different degree accreditation processes have led to different degrees with different meaning and value to the student. In order to protect both the student consumer and the currency of the Canadian undergraduate degree, the author recommends the development of national standards to define both a university-level institution and the quality of the degree it delivers. ; Dans un passé récent, tout le monde connaissait la provenance et la valeur des diplômes universitaires canadiens: les universités délivraient ces diplômes, l'utilisation du terme «université» était régie par la législation de chacune des dix provinces et des trois territoires, et c'est en attribuant à un établissement le statut de «Membre institutionnel» que l'Association des universités et collèges du Canada le reconnaissait officiellement en tant qu'institution universitaire. Or, depuis la fin des années 1970 environ, on a assisté à une demande croissante de diplômes universitaires, demande qui a eu pour conséquence la création de diplômes provinciaux à l'extérieur du système traditionnel des universités. La prolifération de ces nouveaux diplômes a progressivement creusé le fossé entre, d'un côté, les processus d'accréditation provinciale et, de l'autre, les exigences universitaires, telles que définies parles critères d'admission à l'AUCC. Cet article passe en revue les changements auxquels le Canada a dû faire face, dans les 15 dernières années environ, dans les domaines de création et d'accréditation de diplômes. Il examine les politiques provinciales actuelles sur l'instauration de nouveaux diplômes, ainsi que les décisions récemment prises à ce sujet. L'auteur traite ensuite des diverses implications des processus actuels d'accréditation de diplômes au Canada et entre autres de l'émergence d'une nouvelle série de diplômes de premier cycle - ayant chacun leur propre méthode d'accréditation-, dans laquelle les étudiants ont grand mal à se retrouver car ces diplômes n'ont ni la même signification ni la même valeur. Afin de poursuivre la mise en place de nouveaux diplômes canadiens de premier cycle et de clarifier la situation pour la clientèle étudiante, l'auteur recommande l'élaboration d'exigences nationales définissant, à la fois, ce qu'est une institution universitaire et la qualité des diplômes qu'elle pourra délivrer.
On May 16th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Heidi Tworek at its roundtable meeting titled "Hate Speech in Canada: A New Democratic Threat Requiring Policy Incentives." Dr. Tworek is an Assistant Professor of International History at the University of British Columbia. She is also a non-resident Fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, and the Joint Centre for History and Economics at Harvard University. She works on the history of news and of international organizations. Alongside academic publications, she also writes about German and transatlantic politics and media for a wide variety of venues including Foreign Affairs and Wired magazine.
Over the past few years, Canada has stepped out of its comfort zone in hemispheric affairs, to speak and act forcefully, as Minister of Foreign Affairs Chrystia Freeland put it, in solidarity with "the people of Venezuela and their desire to restore democracy and human rights in Venezuela." With its partners of the Lima Group, Canada imposed sanctions on the Maduro regime, recognized Juan Guaidó as interim president, and called for free and fair elections as soon as possible. The article identifies possible factors explaining Canada's policy. The main proposition is that the Venezuela crisis features an extraordinary combination of domestic and international factors that make participation to a multilateral and diplomatic push for restoration of democracy an ambitious but judicious option for Canada. The article also presents the criticism to this policy, and discusses the issue of human rights and democracy promotion in the broader context of Canadian foreign policy. ; En los últimos años, Canadá ha salido de su zona de confort en los asuntos hemisféricos para hablar y actuar enérgicamente, como lo expresó la ministra de relaciones exteriores, Chrystia Freeland, en solidaridad con "el pueblo de Venezuela y su deseo de restaurar la democracia y los derechos humanos en Venezuela". Con sus socios del Grupo de Lima, Canadá impuso sanciones al régimen de Maduro, reconoció a Juan Guaidó como presidente interino y convocó a elecciones libres y justas lo antes posible. El artículo identifica posibles factores que explican la política de Canadá. La propuesta principal es que la crisis de Venezuela presenta una combinación extraordinaria de factores nacionales e internacionales que hacen que la participación en un impulso multilateral y diplomático para el restablecimiento de la democracia sea una opción ambiciosa pero, sensata para Canadá. El artículo también presenta las críticas a esta política y analiza el tema de los derechos humanos y la promoción de la democracia en el contexto más amplio de la política exterior canadiense.
The organization had its headquarters in Ottawa. The headquarters scientific staff was organized as closely as possible along the lines of the staff in one of the Armed Services so that the headquarters scientific staff could work closely at all levels with the Services. It was through this staff that the Board got from the Services detailed knowledge of their requirements: if, was not' just a formulated statement af requirements but also-what they were thinking about or worrying about and it was also through the contact of the two staffs that the Board got back not only the results of its research but, also the results of any other scientific research which was relevant, and was available either in Canada or from other countries. Headquarters scientific staff was responsible after it got the requirements from the services for trying to place these requirements in suitable research agencies where a solution may be found. Attempts were made to use all the resources that were available in Canada and these resources could be roughly divided into four qroups: first of all. The laboratories run by the Defence Research Board itself ; second, a group of Government laboratories mostly federal, but some provincial also ; thirdly, the universities and finally the industrial research laboratories
"A view of the civil government and administration of justice in the province of Canada while it was subject to the crown of France," by Francis Maseres or William Hey: 48 p. at end of v. 1. ; Editors: 1884-1890, J.S. Archibald, Edmond Lareau (with J.S. Buchan, 1886-90); 1891, J.S. Buchan. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1856-1883, published under the direction of an editorial committee consisting of Strachan Bethune and others. ; FOR COMPLETE RECORD SEE CHECKLIST
Ukraine has always had a special place in Canadian foreign policy. Currently, Canada is deeply engaged in supporting Ukraine to restore political and economic stability and to implement democratic reforms. The Government in Ottawa has condemned Russian aggressive policy and the illegal military occupation of Crimea and has taken a variety of steps and initiatives since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine in 2014 including imposing sanctions, economic and military assistance, and supporting of NATO measures.
Type-written. ; Accompanied by "Chronicles of Canada series. Analytic index; being a consolidation of the compiler's indexes in the separate volumes of the series. Compiled by Virginia Haley and Helen Spotts." (221 L. 25 cm.) Published: [Los Angeles] Los Angeles public library, 1935. ; Type-written. ; Accompanied by "Index, compiled by University branch, Los Angeles public library." (1 p.L., 48 numb. L. 23 x 22 cm.) Published: [Los Angeles, 19--] ; Vol. 21-22, reissued 1922. ; Part 1. (v.1-2) The first European visitors.--Part 2 (v.3-7) The rise of New France.--Part 3 (v.8-11) The English invasion.--Part 4 (v.12-14) The beginnings of British Canada.--Part 5 (v.15-17) The red man in Canada.--Part 6 (v.18-23) Pioneers of the north and west.--Part 7 (v.24-27) The struggle for political freedom.--Part 8 (v.28-30) The growth of nationality.--Part 9 (v.31-32) National highways. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Le Canada se classe parmi les pays les plus riches du monde. Son Produit Intérieur Brut (PIB) en 2010 était est le 10ème sur les 216 pays du monde (http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD). En 2011 il a été classé 6ème dans le rang de l'Indice de Développement Humain (http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/). Ces quelques indicateurs témoignent du dynamisme et de la grande qualité de vie dans ce jeune pays. Dans cette partie ; nous chercherons à démontrer par divers indicateurs la diversité économique au sein du pays. Les données ont été extraites des tableaux sommaires par province/territoire du site de Statistiques Canada (http://www.statcan.gc.ca/tables-tableaux/sum-som/l02/pro01/pro101-fra.htm).
The terms race and racism are defined, and the history of their use in Canada since Confederation is examined. A distinction is made between "macro" and "micro" racism. Examples of interpersonal and systemic racism in Canada are considered in the context of multicultural policies and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Changes in Canadian immigration law and regulations are examined and their implications for refugee movements reviewed. It is concluded that there are unintended consequences of stricter control over borders and the "faster, fairer, firmer" treatment of asylum-seekers, that constitute institutional racism. ; L'article commence par définir les termes « race » et « racisme » et retrace l'historique de leur utilisation au Canada depuis la Confédération. Les exemples de « macroracisme » et « micro-racisme » sont différenciés. Des cas de racisme interpersonnel et systémique au Canada sont examinés dans le contexte des politiques multiculturelles et la Charte des droits et libertés. Sont aussi passés en revue, les changements intervenus dans la Loi canadienne sur l'immigration, ainsi que dans les règlements s'y rapportant, et leurs implications sur le mouvement de réfugiés. La conclusion est que des conséquences non intentionnelles ont découlé des mesures de contrôle plus strictes exercées aux frontières, ainsi que du traitement « plus vite, plus équitable et plus ferme » des demandeurs d'asile, et que ces conséquences constituent en soi un racisme institutionnel.
This chapter sets out a general overview of key facets of Canada's counter-terrorism law enacted between 2001 to 2015 and related case law. It addresses the definition of terrorism and new terrorism offences added to the Criminal Code in 2001; terrorism prosecutions and sentences; investigative powers of police and intelligence agencies (the Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Canadian Security Establishment); the listing of terrorism offences or individuals; terrorism financing and related offences; immigration detention; the use of evidence obtained by torture; the role of the military and extra-territorial counter-terrorism activities; secrecy claims and evidence; and remedies for serious violations of human rights in the course of counter-terrorism. The chapter also contains a brief post-script addressing the content of bills C-44 (Protection of Canada from Terrorism Act) and C-51 (Anti-Terrorism Act, 2015). ; Peer reviewed
