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Alberta, Canada, is the site of large-scale educational change initiatives legislated by the provincial government. The mandates have sparked heated public debate over the appropriateness, wisdom, and utility of the reforms. This article summarizes the views of representatives of several educational interest groups and offers suggestions for making change more meaningful and successful.

"Published under the direction of R.S.M. Bouchette, Esq., Commissioner of Customs, Canada." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

The national objectives of civilian emergency planning are: (1) protection and preservation of life and property; (2) maintenance of governmental structure; and (3) conservation of resources. The Canada Emergency Measures Organization (E.M.O.) has been developed to accomplish these objectives. E.M.O. co-ordinates other departments and agencies of federal government and its organization is reflected within provincial and municipal governments.

The Airbus scandal has been a matter of fairly intense political interest since initial allegations of influence-peddling were made against several parties, including former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Of legal note, however, has been a challenge mounted by another party implicated by the Department of Justice's investigation into the matter, which has recently been pronounced upon by the Supreme Court of Canada. The Court's judgment in Schreiber v. Canada (Attorney General) provides an interesting view of conflicting societal values: the Charter-guaranteed freedom from unreasonable search and seizure raised in opposition to the state's interest in efficient and unfettered means through which to combat crime with a transnational aspect. The Schreiber case is significant as an indicator both of the Court's evolving view of the limits of the application of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and of the Court's perception of the course being charted for Canada's participation in the fight against international crime. The court's decision more generally highlights some of the domestic implications of inter-state cooperation in the area of criminal law.

Highlights: Despite strong performance in many areas, Canada continues to struggle with controlling the influence of money in the political process. There are no limits on loans to political parties or candidates, and in nomination and political party leadership races, loopholes allow for secrecy when it comes to financial contributions to candidates. Despite cooling-off periods for officials leaving the executive branch, Members of Parliament and their staff are not subject to any post-government employment restrictions, encouraging a revolving door effect between lawmakers and lobbyists. Meanwhile, the personal assets disclosures of Canadian Senators remain confidential and inaccessible to the public, a bizarre exception for one of the world's wealthier and more developed democracies. Judicial accountability is also weak, with no disclosure of personal assets or gifts, no restrictions on receiving gifts, and a complaints process in which judges judge other judges. Overall, government accountability watchdog agencies (including the police) either lack powers to enforce laws or have a weak enforcement record.This peer-reviewed country report includes:Integrity Indicators Scorecard: Scores, scoring criteria, commentary, references, and peer review perspectives for more than 300 Integrity Indicators.Reporter's Notebook: An on-the-ground look at corruption and integrity from a leading local journalist.Corruption Timeline: Ten years of political context to today's corruption and integrity issues.Country Facts: Statistical context for each country.

Until now, assessments of the scope of enterprises in Canada that are owned by government have placed Canada roughly in the middle of OECD member countries in terms of how much direct control governments have over businesses in our economy. But that's because all of those assessments have relied almost strictly on counting federal Crown corporations. For the first time, this study takes into account businesses owned by lower levels of governments. And once they are accounted for, it becomes clear that the size of Canada's state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector is dramatically bigger than previously thought. In fact, the provincial Crown sector alone is significantly larger than the entire federal sector, whether we measure by assets, employees or contribution to national GDP. Add the assets of provincial Crown corporations to the federal ones and the combined sector turns out to be nearly two and a half times larger than the federal sector alone. Measured by contribution to GDP, the provincial sector and federal sector together account for nearly five times as much as the federal sector on its own. But even this seriously understates the true scope of government-owned enterprise in Canada, since it does not account for what are certainly hundreds more municipally owned corporations. Getting a handle on the actual size of the undoubtedly substantial municipalSOE sector, however, has proven to be difficult, due to the dispersion of records and the differences in how government-affiliated businesses are structured and defined from city to city (and even within the same city). But one thing is certain: Canadian governments own a sizeably larger share of the national economy than past studies have suggested. The share of the economy that is controlled by government is something Canadians need to have a much clearer idea about: In the past, Canadian governments have privatized many of the most visible state-owned businesses, from Air Canada and Petro-Canada at the federal level, to Manitoba Telephone Systems and Nova Scotia Power Corp. at the provincial level. With a better understanding of the size, and structure, of the government-owned enterprise sector, Canadians may wonder if there is still much more room for privatization. It is possible that may not be the case. But until Canadians have clear information about the government's ownership stake in the economy, informed decisions about the further privatization of Crown corporations are not possible.

Canada is struggling to fully develop, sell and move its energy resources. This is a dramatic change from the recent past where the U.S. has provided stable growth in demand for energy supplied by the provinces, from hydrocarbons to electricity. Current circumstances now challenge this relationship, adding environmental, policy and economic hurdles that exacerbate the impact of fluctuations in world demand and pricing. In addition, competitive interaction between provinces, aboriginal land owners and special interest groups complicate and compound the issues of royalty returns, regulatory authority and direction, land-use management and long-term market opportunities for Canadian companies. There is no strategic document guiding the country's energy future. As the steward of one of the largest, most diverse and valuable energy "banks" in the world, Canada has a unique opportunity to exploit a critical and valuable economic niche in the world economy. Given the lack of federal leadership and the tendency for each province to undercut each other in the same marketplace, there is also the distinct possibility the nation will squander the opportunity. This document offers the rationale for a comprehensive energy strategy, literally a vision where Canada can lead and not follow opportunities in energy markets. This strategic approach to energy systems by definition will include transportation, housing, employment and financial markets. It is not a plan, not a foil for tax or policy guidance in one or more sectors. This strategy is a fundamental rail on which plans, tactics and policies can be built. This vision identifies how the provinces can work together using all the tools available to them, maximizing long-term resource development while minimizing environmental damage. This document assumes there can be a broad commitment and effort by the federal government to help build those tools, providing guidance and assistance where needed without obstructing or denying the fundaments of the Canadian Constitution, First Nations people, and the role of provinces in managing the resources within their borders. This recommended energy strategy highlights changes occurring in world markets that threaten successful, coherent energy policy development in the absence of a unifying strategy. This strategy highlights the need to look ahead, understand these changes, and create adaptive, unifying processes that will provide longterm economic and geopolitical stability using energy as the common denominator for Canada's future.

If there's one thing Canadians agree on, it's that Canada's wireless industry can and should be more competitive. The federal government is on side with the policy objective of having four carriers in every region and has responded with policies that provide commercial advantages to entrants. But, the rub is that there has not been a study that actually assesses the state of competition in wireless services in Canada, until now. Those in favour of policies that will promote and sustain entry point to Canada's high average revenue per user and low wireless penetration rate (mobile connections per capita) as evidence that there is insufficient competition. The difficulty is that the facts are not consistent with this simplistic analysis. Measurements of wireless penetration are skewed toward countries that maintain the Calling Party Pays Protocol and favour pay-as-you-go plans, both of which encourage inflated user counts. Canada's participation per capita on monthly plans and minutes of voice per capita are not outliers. Moreover, in terms of smartphone adoption and smartphone data usage, Canada is a global leader, contributing to high average revenue per user. Consistent with being world leaders in the rollout of high speed wireless networks, Canada lead its peer group in capital expenditures per subscriber in 2012: the competition of importance to Canadians is not just over price, but also over the quality of wireless networks. In any event, none of the measures typically used in international comparisons are relevant to assessing the competitiveness of Canadian wireless services. The appropriate competitive analysis recognizes two relevant features of the technology of wireless services: (i) high fixed and sunk capital costs; and (ii) economies of scale and scope. The implications of these are that profitability requires mark ups over short run measures of cost — high gross margins — and that there will be a natural, upper limit on the number of wireless carriers. The key issue in terms of competition is whether prices track long run average costs, namely, whether wireless providers make monopoly profits. An examination of the leading firm's cash flow over the life cycle of the wireless industry suggests internal rates of return well below the likely ex ante, pre-tax, cost of capital that reflects the risk of its investments. This is not consistent with either the inefficient exercise of market power or monopoly profits. Moreover, international comparisons of structural indicators of competition indicate that, if anything, wireless services in Canada are more competitive than in many of its peers. There is no evidence that there is a competition problem in wireless services in Canada. Efforts to create competition in the short run, that increase the number of carriers, will simply squeeze margins in the short run and likely will not be sustained in the long run, as carriers exit and consolidate to reduce competition and restore margins consistent with profitability and the natural limit. And, while consumers might gain in the short run from lower prices, everyone is likely made worse off in the long run from the misallocation of spectrum, reduction in scale of carriers, and reduction in incentives to invest from such intervention. The AWS set asides allocated spectrum to carriers whose focus was on talk and text, not carriers whose focus is on data, resulting in an inefficient mix of networks and a suboptimal allocation of spectrum.

Canada is a nation with a policy of multiculturalism and a deep history of welcoming refugees from around the world. As Olsen et al. (2016) state, "the integration of refugees into Canadian society is promoted as a source of pride and nation-building, adding to the richness and diversity of the Canadian population" (p. 58). However, the influx of refugees in Canada with diverse and complex health needs has presented a number of challenges within the healthcare system (Joshi et al., 2013, p. 2). Unfortunately, refugees experience various barriers when accessing healthcare services such as racism, discrimination and othering. These barriers are systemic and are influenced by a Eurocentric worldview, which does not always take into consideration other ways of knowing. As a result, this paper suggests that implementation of culturally safe practice could bridge the gap between health providers and refugees. Also, this paper demonstrates that unsafe cultural behaviours and actions continue to deny healthcare access to refugees. Rousseau et al. (2008) writes, "from a human rights perspective, regulations and administrative policies highlighted by this study target specific vulnerable groups within Canada and are completely at odds with the Equality Rights set out by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" (p. 291). Finally, this paper calls for an attitude change toward refugees, and corollary changes in policies, which will positively impact the health trajectories of refugees and reduce health inequality in the Canadian health system.

Canada is a nation with a policy of multiculturalism and a deep history of welcoming refugees from around the world. As Olsen et al. (2016) state, "the integration of refugees into Canadian society is promoted as a source of pride and nation-building, adding to the richness and diversity of the Canadian population" (p. 58). However, the influx of refugees in Canada with diverse and complex health needs has presented a number of challenges within the healthcare system (Joshi et al., 2013, p. 2). Unfortunately, refugees experience various barriers when accessing healthcare services such as racism, discrimination and othering. These barriers are systemic and are influenced by a Eurocentric worldview, which does not always take into consideration other ways of knowing. As a result, this paper suggests that implementation of culturally safe practice could bridge the gap between health providers and refugees. Also, this paper demonstrates that unsafe cultural behaviours and actions continue to deny healthcare access to refugees. Rousseau et al. (2008) writes, "from a human rights perspective, regulations and administrative policies highlighted by this study target specific vulnerable groups within Canada and are completely at odds with the Equality Rights set out by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" (p. 291). Finally, this paper calls for an attitude change toward refugees, and corollary changes in policies, which will positively impact the health trajectories of refugees and reduce health inequality in the Canadian health system.

In this article, the educational attainment of Indigenous peoples of working age (25 to 64 years) in Canada is examined. This diverse population has typically had lower educational levels than the general population in Canada. Results indicate that, while on the positive side there are a greater number of highly educated Indigenous peoples, there is also a continuing gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Data also indicate that the proportion with less than high school education declined, which corresponds with a rise of those with a PSE; the reverse was true in 1996. Despite these gains, however, the large and increasing absolute numbers of those without a high school education is alarming. There are intra-Indigenous differences: First Nations with Indian Status and the Inuit are not doing as well as non-Status and Métis peoples. Comparisons between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations reveal that the documented gap in post-secondary educational attainment is at best stagnant. Out of the data analysis, and based on the history of educational policy, we comment on the current reform proposed by the Government of Canada, announced in February of 2014, and propose several policy recommendations to move educational attainment forward.

It was originally intended to deal with the subject under three main headings: (1) The part played by the government in wheat marketing; (2) The part played by private agencies in wheat marketing, and (3) The part played by co-operative agencies in wheat marketing. It was found, however, that a development of the subject along these lines would lead far beyond the limits expected of an M.A. thesis. Any one of these headings presents a very wide field for study and investigation. It has been found necessary, therefore, to confine the thesis to the first of these topics, the Part played by Government in relation to Wheat Marketing in Canada.

While reform of Canada's electoral system has not yet occurred, it has been an ever-present, ever-potent topic in Canadian political science since the middle of the 20th Century. While there are aspects of First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) to be admired, its fundamental flaws cannot be ignored; the system encourages parties to exacerbate sectionalism, leaves far too many voters unrepresented, and too often allows for uncooperative governments. Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP), a form of Proportional Representation (PR), possesses the best aspect of FPTP, local representation and accountability, and amends its most serious flaws. MMP represents all votes cast, attenuates sectionalism, and creates diverse legislatures that incentivize cross-party cooperation far more than FPTP does currently. Canada is nearly a perfect country for MMP, and this system should be implemented for our federal elections.

This article examines, from two different perspectives, the relationship between historical and literary modes of restorying Canada: first exploring the process by which the country has shaped itself historically since 1867 to become one of the world's most successful multicultural societies; and second, examining literary and artistic narratives that have had a wide impact on our understanding of what it means to be Canadian, and added a unique layer to our sense of the country's potential. Basing the analysis on Will Kymlicka's notion of multiculturalism, and on Jane Urquhart's fictional text A Number of Things: Stories of Canada Told Through Fifty Objects (2016), as well as on Charlotte's Gray's historical essay The Promise of Canada. 150 Years – People and Ideas that Have Shaped Our Country (2016), we argue that the 150th anniversary of the Confederation is an ideal moment to re-examine stories, ideas and notions of identity/diversity, political decisions and transformations that shaped modern Canada. Thus, "restorying Canada" brings about bold challenges to conventions of how we remember, invites critique and inclusive alternative narratives. ; Este artigo explora as relações entre representações históricas, literárias e artísticas do Canadá: de um lado, estudamos discursos sobre a evolução histórica do país desde 1867 - o que leva a uma das sociedades multiculturais mais abertas do planeta; de outro lado, analisamos discursos literários e artísticos que tiveram um grande impacto no modo como imaginamoso país e na polivalência das identidades canadenses. Baseando-se na análise da noção de multiculturalismo de Will Kymlicka, e no texto ficcional de Jane Urquhart, A Number of Things: Stories of Canada Told Through Fifty Objects (2016), bem como no ensaio histórico de Charlotte Gray, The Promise of Canada. 150 Years – People and Ideas that Have Shaped Our Country (2016), demostramos que o 150º aniversário da Confederação é um momento ideal para reexaminar os discursos, as ideias e as noções de identidade e de diversidade, bem como as decisões políticas e as transformações que moldaram o Canadá moderno. Assim, "restorying Canadá" traz ousados desafios às convenções de como lembramos, convida à critica e a narrativas inovadoras e inclusivas. ; https://periodicos.ufpel.edu.br/ojs2/index.php/interfaces/article/view/10490

BACKGROUND: Improving access to palliative care for Canadians requires a focused collective effort towards palliative and end-of-life care advocacy and policy. However, evolution of modern palliative care in Canada has resulted in stakeholders working in isolation. Identification of stakeholders is an important step to ensure that efforts to improve palliative care are coordinated. The purpose of this analysis is to collectively identify, classify and prioritize stakeholders who made contributions to national palliative care policies in Canada. METHODS: A systematic grey literature search was conducted examining policy documents (i.e. policy reports, legislative bills, judicial court cases) in the field of palliative care, end-of-life care and medical assistance in dying, at the national level, over the last two decades. Organizations' names were extracted directly or derived from individuals' affiliations. We then classified stakeholders using an adapted classification approach and developed an algorithm to prioritize their contributions towards the publication of these documents. RESULTS: Over 800 organizations contributed to 115 documents (41 policy reports, 11 legislative, 63 judicial). Discussions regarding national palliative care policy over the last two decades peaked in 2016. Stakeholder organizations contributing to national palliative care policy conversations throughout this period were classified into six types broadly representative of society. The ranking algorithm identified the top 200 prioritized stakeholder organizations. CONCLUSIONS: Stakeholders from various societal sectors have contributed to national palliative care conversions over the past two decades; however, not all the stakeholder organizations engaged to the same extent. The information is useful when a need arises for increased collaboration between stakeholders and can be a starting point for developing more effective engagement strategies.