Suchergebnisse

If today we are talking about a country called the Republic of Indonesia then we will not be much to talk about corruption, bribery, conflicts both internal conflict within the three highest institution in Indonesia as well as external conflict outside the institutions of the country, fighting between students as well as fighting between citizens in Indonesia itself, persecution, murder, rape and many others that we actually own has been embarrassed to talk about it because these things will not be there eventually. Especially if we are talking about the law in the era of globalization we are not going away talking about the law in Indonesia with the name of injustice,alignments, partiality, not autonomy and others. These things when we look back carefully, we will find something called "legal culture", because the legal culture is the determinant of where the legal system is placed in its rightful place with the values in it that is of social value as a law made is intended for people in a country itself to regulate all behavior of the people in the country that issued the law. Legal culture in Indonesia itself has been displaced by a culture new law caused by many things for example the rapid advancement of technology as if we can cross the boundary between countries, the development of free trade in Indonesia, information increasingly and still many other causes. The causes are the leave a good impact on our country for example, just in the field of law, with the advancement of information technology we can determine how the application of the law in the countries of the other so that we can improve a system of law in our own country if rated less well then we can take the example of the application of the law in other countries. In addition to the positive impact made by many advances in the era of globalization, the negative impact also participated and coloring everything in our country. For example, just by the appearance of a culture of western thought we became western Similarly we can see the beginning of our country is a democratic state of the people and for the people all-round social and the social interest anyway so this time indirectly our country shifted to a liberal state that is society most have a spirit of individualism, the economy shifted that originally brag about a democratic economy in this country to be an economy of capitalism has been proven in our country in power at any point economic pulse is the capital high and that no capital is still the clans marginal in their own country without any change from year to year. Shifts which is the subject of study authors that will be described one by one starting from the initial state of the legal culture in Indonesia, penetration western entering in Indonesia, state legal culture in Indonesia after the penetration of western is entered, up to How to restore the legal culture of Indonesia that has been displaced in the sense of a shift in the negative direction. ; Jika hari ini kita berbicara tentang sebuah negara yang disebut Republik Indonesia maka kita akan banyak bicara tentang korupsi, penyuapan, konflik baik konflik internal dalam tiga lembaga tertinggi di Indonesia maupun konflik eksternal di luar lembaga-lembaga negara, pertempuran antara siswa serta perkelahian antar warga di Indonesia sendiri, penganiayaan, pembunuhan, pemerkosaan dan banyak lainnya yang kita miliki sendiri telah merasa malu untuk membicarakannya karena hal-hal ini tidak akan ada akhirnya. Apalagi jika kita berbicara tentang hukum di era globalisasi ,kita akan berbicara tentang hukum di Indonesia dengan nama ketidakadilan, keberpihakan, keberpihakan, bukan otonomi dan lain-lain. Hal-hal ini ketika kita melihat kembali dengan hati-hati, kita akan menemukan sesuatu yang disebut "budaya hukum", karena budaya hukum adalah penentu di mana sistem hukum ditempatkan di tempat yang sah dengan nilai-nilai di dalamnya yang nilai sosial sebagai hukum yang dibuat ditujukan untuk orang-orang di suatu negara sendiri untuk mengatur semua perilaku orang-orang di negara yang mengeluarkan hukum. Budaya hukum di Indonesia sendiri telah tergusur oleh budaya hukum baru yang disebabkan oleh banyak hal misalnya pesatnya kemajuan teknologi seolah-olah kita dapat melintasi batas antar negara, perkembangan perdagangan bebas di Indonesia, informasi yang semakin banyak dan masih banyak penyebab lainnya. Penyebabnya adalah meninggalkan dampak yang baik pada negara kita misalnya, hanya di bidang hukum, dengan kemajuan teknologi informasi kita dapat menentukan bagaimana penerapan hukum di negara-negara yang lain sehingga kita dapat meningkatkan sistem hukum di negara kita sendiri jika dinilai kurang baik maka kita dapat mengambil contoh penerapan hukum di negara lain. Selain dampak positif yang dibuat oleh banyak kemajuan di era globalisasi, dampak negatif juga turut serta mewarnai segala sesuatunya di negara kita. Misalnya, hanya dengan munculnya budaya pemikiran barat kita menjadi barat. Demikian pula kita dapat melihat awal negara kita adalah negara demokratis dari rakyat dan untuk orang-orang serba sosial dan kepentingan sosial tetap jadi kali ini secara tidak langsung kami negara bergeser ke negara liberal yaitu masyarakat yang paling memiliki semangat individualisme, ekonomi bergeser yang semula menyombongkan diri tentang ekonomi yang demokratis di negara ini menjadi ekonomi kapitalisme telah terbukti di negara kita yang berkuasa pada titik mana pun pulsa ekonomi adalah modal tinggi dan bahwa tidak ada modal masih marginal klan di negara mereka sendiri tanpa ada perubahan dari tahun ke tahun. Pergeseran yang merupakan subyek penulis penelitian yang akan dijelaskan satu per satu dimulai dari keadaan awal budaya hukum di Indonesia, penetrasi barat masuk di Indonesia, budaya hukum negara di Indonesia setelah penetrasi barat masuk, hingga Bagaimana mengembalikan budaya hukum Indonesia yang telah mengungsi dalam arti pergeseran arah negatif.

Exhibition at LCC as part of the London Design Festival Alternative do-it-yourself (DIY) publishing in the UK is often assumed to have started with photocopiers and punks. However, counterculture and grassroots movements from the mid-1960s onwards generated an explosion of alternative 'not for profit' print and publications, frequently produced by amateurs using basic technologies. Much of this was consciously infused with notions of autonomy and anti-specialism. The mid-60s were a contradictory period of political, creative and social turbulence, a moment when radical ideas were in ferment and hopes for change were high. The experimental and creative energies generated by the counterculture stimulated a proliferation of DIY or self-sufficient activity that spread across the expanding field of the alternative left: from 'happenings' to free schools and communes. Within the pages of the underground/alternative press there is clear evidence of how DIY or 'self-help' activities provided a significant component of countercultural sensibilities and practice. 'How To' articles, sharing and 'demystifying' uncommon knowledge, were a regular feature, and all manner of self-help handbooks could be obtained by mail order or found in alternative bookshops; how to build things, grow things, fix things, take or make drugs, meditate, print and squat. There were also articles and handbooks about how to navigate the unavoidable parts of 'the system', notably the law and the welfare state. It was not just that people could do it for themselves, where possible outside of 'the system' of experts and institutions, but that others could also do it to build 'the alternative society'. At the same time we find in the pages of the underground press biting satire and critique of capitalism, militarism and consumerism. The four publications shown here offer a glimpse into this new upsurge of left voices and causes of protest, specifically the feminist movement, the anti-war and nuclear disarmament movement, as well as radical art and alternative living. This mini-exhibition will be followed by a larger exhibition in 2018, which marks the 50th anniversary of 1968, the year that was the highpoint of 60s era youthful revolt in many parts of the world. Captions: Shrew – August / September issue, Volume 5 No.3 1973 Shrew was the magazine of the Women's Liberation Workshop, a collectivist federation made up of smaller autonomous local women's liberation groups. Many were 'consciousness-raising' groups, with their own character, agendas and affiliations. Shrew ran regularly between 1969 and 1974, had a circulation of about 5,000 and sold very cheaply either by mail order or in women's centres and sympathetic bookshops. Each issue of the magazine was produced by a different local or special interest group that had total freedom in all aspects; content, layout, images and overall design. There was a Shrew collective of representatives committed to helping with the production. As the production of each issue was rotated, the contents and aesthetics of the magazine were incredibly diverse. Shrew represented the sense of empowerment associated by feminists in 'doing it for themselves'. From the collection of The Feminist Library (www.feministlibrary.co.uk). —————————- Hapt – Issues 26 & 27, 1970 Started by a small collective connected to the English Diggers Hapt was a DIY hand-printed counter-culture magazine. Produced between December 1967 and May 1971, running for 27 issues, Hapt was legal-sized, stencil duplicated, with silk-screened covers and centrespread, printed on rough paper in editions of up to 400. It was distributed for free by post, at alternative bookshops and in radical spaces. The UK edition was written and co-ordinated by a small team of seven, initially based in London before later moving to set up communes in Bournemouth and Stroud. There were sister Hapt communes in Holland, Argentina, Belgium and Switzerland. Hapt promoted a DIY culture synonymous with their commune lifestyle, encouraging writing from their readership and sharing knowledge about their means of production through a comprehensive description of the screen print making process. —————————- Resistance – Committee of 100 bulletin – Vol 3 No.4 Apr & 9 Dec 1966 & Vol 4. No 2 June 1967 In 1960, in response to the increasing sense of frustration over the limitations of tactics used by such groups as the Campaign Against Nuclear Disarmament, anti-war activists led by Bertrand Russell launched the Committee of 100. This more militant organisation sought to step up resistance to the UK government policy on weapons of mass destruction by calling for and engaging in mass non-violent resistance and civil disobedience, such as large sit-down demonstrations. In 1962 the group re-launched itself on a decentralised basis, made up by 13 regional Committees organising actions in London and at military bases across the country. Resistance was a bulletin published by the Resistance Working Group in Birmingham and London. It provided information and updates about the movement to the Committee's membership and other related anti-war groups. —————————- King Mob Echo – Issue 1, April 1968. King Mob emerged out of a coming together of members of the English section of the Situationist International and a network of London based cultural radicals in 1968. It went on to become a short-lived but influential radical group that engaged in subversive actions often involving carnivalesque, Dada-esque costumes and humour, such as infiltrating Selfridges at Christmas time dressed up as Santa, handing out the store's toys as 'presents' to children, which resulted in the spectacle of store employees and police desperately snatching toys out of crying children's hands. The group announced their actions through hand-distributed leaflets and word of mouth and between 1968 and 1970 published 5 issues (issue 4 was never published) of King Mob, a glued-together magazine. The first issue, King Mob Echo, included a translation of part of Raoul Vaneigem's 'The Revolution of Daily Life'.

City Farmer: Adventures in Urban Food Growing.By LORRAINE JOHNSON. D. & M. Publishers Inc., 2010. $19.95Reviewed by Michael ClassensWhile the title of Lorraine Johnson's most recent book may seem like a disjointed juxtaposition, an ill-conceived utopian fantasy, or both, it is only fleetingly so. Despite the considerable and colliding pathologies of the contemporary food system—adequately summarized in the book— |Johnson forcefully argues that small-scale 'city farmers' are the vanguard of an emerging transformation of the contemporary food system. True, in the aggregate, city farming remains more prefigurative than productive, however Johnson's choice to see the socio-political and ecological benefits of small scale food production is itself an affirmative political maneuver. She's acutely aware of the formidability of re-inscribing the contemporary food system with more just and sustainable attributes, but also understands that starting in the here-and-now is perhaps the only rational choice in the face of such a challenge. Given that ours is an increasingly urbanized world, the 'here' is more often than not an apartment balcony, a neighbourhood park, a building rooftop, a front yard, or a back alley. These are the interstitial—and not inconsequentially, un-commodified—spaces of the urban condition. Johnson's trick is to reveal the potential in these sometimes derelict, often unassuming spaces, while she concomitantly urges us to re-imagine our own relationship to them. We are all urban farmers, she assures us, and the city is our fertile, however discontiguous, field. Part 'how to' manual, part philosophical tract, and part urban adventure travel log, City Farmer reads like a contemporary reorientation guide to our cities-as-farms. And like many good mash-up genres, the strength of this book is in its breadth. Johnson takes us on an extensive urban-ag tour and introduces us to urbanites-cum-farmers tilling everything from yards, balcony containers, and community garden plots, to the less conventional back alley parking spaces, underground bunkers, and even floating barges. Along the way, she punctuates these real-world stops with conceptual and instructional vignettes providing everything from step-by-step briefs on how to start a community garden and how to build a compost bin, to lists of plants that thrive in low-light conditions and instructions detailing how to make wine and jelly from foraged urban edibles. While not the explicit focus of the book, issues of urban policy provide an inevitable backdrop to Johnson's exploration. Of course policy in the neoliberal city cleaves toward that which best facilitates the circulation and accumulation of capital, tending to favour the spectacle of high-rise condo developments and gentrification over designations of land use for non-commercial, nano-scale farming. Through the realm of urban policy, then, local production of food is brought into conversation with the global forces of commercial real estate development and transnational circuits of capital. While Johnson only sparsely addresses this confrontation head on, the tension flows throughout the book. Her critique of neoliberal urbanism is rarely more incisive on this front than in her treatment of the contradictory posture urban policymakers tend to take in response to urban foraging, guerrilla gardening in neglected urban spaces, and back-yard chicken raising. These are the frontiers of urban food production, propelled in effect (though not necessarily in spirit) by self-reliant individuals. But if self-reliance really is what drives neoliberal policy, then why aren't governments enabling urban food production? If neoliberal efficiency is predicated on deregulation and less government, then why are city governments so heavily regulating the front and back yards of taxpayers?This is not to suggest that Johnson pursues these lines of argument to their often reactionary ends. She comes nowhere close to defending the frighteningly de rigueur sentiment of contemporary conservatism. On the contrary, she positions the ongoing regulatory resistance to forms of extra-legal urban agriculture as a way to expose the disconnect between the rhetoric and actual practice of neoliberalism. Every time a permit to grow food on a neglected parcel of land is denied, private ownership, individualism, and speculative land investment are reified as the operatics of urban governance. Here Johnson steers us toward a corollary—that urban agriculture can indeed confront the many tendencies of neoliberal capitalism. Transforming the contemporary food system and fundamentally altering the ways our cities are organized is, as Johnson readily admits, hefty weight for a radish, tomato plant, or box of home-grown lettuce to carry. Yet her careful documentation of the dozens of projects, policy initiatives, organizations, and individuals tirelessly working at the intersection of social transformation and urban food growing, somehow stunts the audacity of the symbolic weight she bestows upon the spoils of urban agriculture. If Paul Robbins is right, and manicured lawns (along with their considerable political economy) have played a crucial role in inscribing the modern (sub)urban cultural subject, Johnson reveals the possibility of something altogether different. It's not just a material transformation of the neglected, marginal, or simply ignored urban sites with the potential to act as micro-farms that Johnson is calling for. Instead she asks that we think about the kinds of social and cultural change farming cities would demand of us, and dares us to consider what kind of subjects we'd become if, those among us that are able to, got our hands a little dirty.Work CitedRobbins, Paul. Lawn People: How Grasses, Weeds, and Chemicals Make Us Who We Are. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007. Print~MICHAEL CLASSENS is a PhD Candidate in the Faculty of Environmental Studies at York University. His work deals mostly with the political ecology of food and agriculture, and figuring out why his Swiss chard keeps dying.

Haiti's new Dictatorship: The Coup, the Earthquake and the UN Occupation.By JUSTIN PODUR. Pluto Press, 2012. $29.95Reviewed by Natali DownerThe controversial book Haiti's new Dictatorship: The Coup, the Earthquake and the UN Occupation is a significant contribution to current discussions around globalisation, political economy, development, post-colonialism, and human rights. Podur's work provides welcome insight and a critical perspective on the struggle for sovereignty in modern day Haiti. The author takes the reader through Haiti's political history, beginning with the slave revolution of 1804, which established Haiti as the world's first independent black Republic. The historical account grounds the reader in Haiti's reality—the ongoing battle for economic and political sovereignty within its borders. Since its independence, Podur argues, the successful slave revolt in Haiti has been an ontological challenge to those who would seek to impose colonialism; it is the challenge they posed in 1804 and today.Podur sections the book into historical eras, including the Duvalier dictatorship followed by Haiti's popular movement and Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which act as signposts for his study. In Podur's analysis of the second and pivotal coup against Aristide in 2004, he argues that the new dictatorship was imposed and solidified under the control of the U.S., Canada, France and later, the United Nations. Specifically, under the guise of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine (the new iteration of the "White Man's Burden",) western countries employed the old colonial pretext in order to "overthrow Haiti's elected government and replace it with an internationally constructed dictatorship." Drawing on Michel-Rolph Trouillot's concept of dictatorship, as the use of violence and centralization of power, Podur adds "impunity" to the description as it characterizes how violations by the regime and its supporters go unpunished. Podur categorises the new international variety of dictatorship as a "laboratory experiment in a new kind of imperialism."Podur discusses the contradictory role of the domestic and international media as contributing to the success of the coup. He argues that the media misrepresented the details surrounding the kidnapping and replacement of a democratically elected prime minister with the dictatorship of the United Nations. He describes the "media disinformation loop" as part of the coup infrastructure by shaping beliefs and actions. Podur's work is an attempt to publicize an alternative to corrupt mainstream reporting.The media did not question the legitimacy of the coup regime or the United Nations' Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Podur argues that the occupation of Haiti by the MINUSTAH occurred under peculiar justifications. He reports that, "in Haiti an internationalized military solution is being offered for what even the UN admitted were problems of poverty and social crime that occur in many places." He argues that violence and murder rates are higher in other countries, including the Dominican Republic, Guyana, Trinidad, and Jamaica. The mainstream rationale for UN occupation in Haiti has evaded inquiry.Podur's analysis of the coup extends to the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the new dictatorship. In Haiti, Podur argues, NGOs perform tasks that belong in the hands of a functioning public service, accountable to the people. Instead, NGOs operate in the interests of their donor countries—"offering wealthy countries a morally responsible way of subcontracting the sovereignty of the nations they exploit." Making NGOs "less non-governmental and more 'over governmental'" and revealing the determinant role of external intervention in corrupting sovereignty.NGOs are responsible for the bulk of disaster response in Haiti. Podur's analysis of the earthquake of 2010 reveals a stunning account of how well-meaning donors are part of a feedback loop that (in part) finances a corrupt system. This system of local elites, international enterprises, and NGOs acts with impunity as they create and reinforce vulnerabilities because funds are controlled by western technocrats and corporations (particularly in times of crisis). Rather than geographic factors, Podur argues that social factors are the major cause of Haiti's horrific death toll following disasters. The decapitation of Haiti's government and the subsequent program cuts demobilizes the public service while it enables the rise of the "republic of NGOs" and the UN Dictatorship. As Haiti lacks the sovereignty to orchestrate its own disaster response, the failure to rebuild after the earthquake marks the failure of the new dictatorship and not the people of Haiti.Podur illustrates the character of the new dictatorship allowing readers to understand the truly gruesome nature of the post-coup occupiers. Podur's report leaves the reader spinning from accounts of murder and corruption; page after page the reader experiences Haiti's grim reality in the new imperialist regime. While the lists of events in the book become disorienting to read, they serve to demonstrate the brutality of actions performed by western nations, the Haitian elite, and armed factions.In this book Podur argues that Haiti is engaged in a historical struggle for democracy against external control. Podur's work on Haiti reveals how a multilateral violation of sovereignty is organized and carried out, and exposes the "new face of dictatorship in the twenty-first century global order." However, the larger project of this book suggests a call to action. Podur recounts the illegitimacy of the occupation and its atrocities so that widespread recognition can be achieved and policies changed. Podur challenges us to consider what it truly means to help Haiti, to face the consequences of our "do-good" attempts at aid and instead aim to assist Haitians to reclaim national sovereignty.Work CitedTrouillot, Michel-Rolph. Haiti, State Against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990. Print.~NATALI DOWNER is a PhD candidate in the Faculty of Environmental Studies at York University. Her research explores the contradictions of capitalism as expressed in the twin crisis of peak oil and climate change.

This paper reviews the policy debate on development issues and examines the economic prospects for developing countries at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is specifically concerned with the question of whether developing countries will be able to meet the employment and poverty reduction goals set by the World Summit for Social Development, held in Copenhagen in 1995. What policies at the national and international level will be most helpful in this respect? The introductory part of the paper notes that the Social Summit coincided with one of the worst financial crises up to that time in developing economies-Mexico's 'Tequila Crisis' in 1994 and 1995. It is suggested that, notwithstanding that crisis, the immediate economic prospects for developing countries in 1995 appeared much brighter than they do today in the wake of recent economic and financial crises in Asia, Latin America and Russia. The paper notes that, in contrast to the uneven economic performance of the economies of developing countries in the period since the Social Summit, the policy debate has in many ways taken a definite step forward. The main part of the paper provides a systematic investigation of the factors that determine whether or not developing countries will be able to eradicate poverty and achieve full employment with rising productivity and real wages. The paper looks specifically at the following aspects. First, it considers the economic record of developing countries and policy issues raised by this analysis. Second, it examines the complex interrelationships between economic growth, unemployment, poverty reduction and income inequality, both conceptually and empirically. This analysis gives attention to the notion of full employment, the relationship between technical change and unemployment, the economic significance of the information and communications technology revolution, and labour market theories of unemployment and inflation. Third, the paper looks at the changed historical conjuncture for economic development and for the development policy debate. The following themes and related analytical and policy questions are emphasized: Liberalization and globalization-Contrary to theoretical expectations, why has the actual experience of many developing countries with liberalization and globalization been negative rather than positive, i.e. why has it often resulted in crises rather than faster growth? Also, are these failures simply a matter of incorrect policies, or are there more fundamental flaws from the perspective of developing countries, with respect to the institutional arrangements of the world economy under liberalization and globalization? Washington Consensus-Has the Washington Consensus failed? What lessons should be learned from the implementation of that policy programme? Asian financial and economic crisis-A very important and influential thesis concerning the Asian crisis suggests that the failure of Asian countries during 1997-1999 can be ascribed mainly to the dirigiste and corporatist model of capitalism that many of these countries were following. The paper examines this thesis critically. A central policy implication of these analyses is that developing countries need to attain a trend increase in their growth rates, possibly to their pre-1980 long-term rates of about 6 per cent per year. This would enable them to achieve and maintain meaningful 'full employment' in the spirit of the Social Summit, with rising real wages and increasing standards of living. Although faster growth will help to reduce poverty, the latter is affected by other important variables as well-notably inflation, inequality of income and asset distribution, instability of economic growth and government fiscal policies. Women, in particular, are adversely affected by macro-economic instability. In the absence of adequate social security systems, the burden of women's paid as well as unpaid work increases during economic downturns. What is required, therefore, to meet the employment and poverty reduction goals of the Social Summit is not only fast growth, but also better quality growth. The last part of the paper highlights the shortcomings of the present institutional arrangement of liberalization and globalization. It indicates why and how these arrangements make it difficult for developing countries to achieve high rates of economic growth. Indeed, it is suggested that this regime is sub-optimal for both developing and developed countries. It is argued that, today, the main constraints on faster long-term economic growth in both developing and developed countries do not lie on the supply side but on the demand side. In principle, the world has the technological and intellectual capacity, as well as the human and material resources, to achieve the fast growth required to fulfil the aims of the Social Summit. The paper suggests that such growth will, however, only be realized in practice if the alternative strategy outlined is adopted. This involves the pursuit of faster growth of real world demand through co-ordinated expansion by industrialized countries and the introduction of special and differential treatment for developing countries in a number of key spheres. In brief, an essential argument of this paper is that, instead of the present organization of the world economy, a global Keynesian regime of managed world trade and controlled global capital movements is more likely to benefit both developed and developing countries. Together with genuine international co-operation as well as more harmonious relations between employers, employees and governments nationally, this would deliver both fast growth and high quality growth. Such growth would help bring full employment and rising wages in both groups of countries. In analytical terms, the paper stresses the significance of co-ordination failures on the demand side as the main obstacles to economic progress, rather than supply-side deficiencies. In order for the rate of growth of real world demand to be compatible with production possibilities on the supply side, new institutions are required to resolve the co-ordination problems on a sustained, long-term basis.

Book reviewed in this article:CLASS AND POLITICS: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890–1910. By John KickardLABOR AND THE CONSTITUTION 1972–1975 Essays and Commentaries on the Constitutional Controversies of the Whitlam Years in Australian Government. Edited by Gareth Evans (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1977).DESIGN FOR DIVERSITY: Library Services for Higher Education and Research in Australia. Edited by Harrison Bryan and Gordon GreenwoodLEGISLATIVE, EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS IN AUSTRALIA. By W. Ansteq Wynes.SOCIAL POLICY IN AUSTRALIA: Some Perspectives 1901–1975. Edited by Jill Roe (Sydney: Casseil Australia, 1976).OPPORTUNITY AND ATTAINMENT IN AUSTRALIA. By Leonard Broom and F. Lancaster Jones (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976).AUSTRALIA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 1966–1970. Edited by Gordon Greenwood and Norman Harper (Melbourne: Cheshire, for Australian Institute of International Affairs 1974).THE GOVERNMENT OF VICTORIA. By Jean HolmesTHE GOVERNMENT OF TASMANIA. By W.A. TownsleyTHE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA. By D.H. JaenschPOLICE IN AUSTRALIA: Development, Functions and Procedures. Written and edited by Kerry L. Mike, assisted by Thomas A. WeberTHE AUSTRALIAN PRICES JUSTIFICATION TRIBUNAL. By J.P. Nieuwenhuysen and A.E. DalyGANDHI AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: The Mahatma in Indian Politics 1928–34. By Judith M. BrownPANCHAYATI RAJ AND EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION. By Iqbal Narain, K.C. Pande and Mohan Lal Sharma (Jaipur: Aalekh Publishers, 1976)CHINA: THE IMPACT OF REVOLUTION: A Survey of Twentieth Century China. Edited by Colin MackerrasINSIDE MAO TSE‐TUNC THOUGHT: An Analytical Blueprint of His Actions. By Yeh Ch'ing, translated and edited by Stephen Pan, T.H. Tsuan and R. MortensenSINO‐SOVIET DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, 1917–1926. By Sow‐Theng LeongJAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY, 1869–3942 Kasumigaseki to Miyakezaka. By Ian NishORIGINS OF THE WAR IN THE EAST: Britain, China and Japan 1937–39. By Aron ShaiINDONESIA. Second edition. By J. D. LeggeTHE LESSONS OF VIETNAM. Edited by W. Scott Thompson and Donaldson D. Frizzell (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1977).THE MYTH OF THE LAZY NATIVE A Study of the Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese from the 16th to the 20th Century and its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism. By Syed Hussein AlatasINTELLECTUALS IN DEVELOPING SOCIETIES. By S. H. AlatasOCEANIA AND BEYOND Essays on the Pacific Since 1945. Edited by Frank P. KingTHE POLITICS OF CHANGE IN A ZAMBIAN COMMUNITY. By George C. BondECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA: Historical Background and Contemporary Problems. Second Edition. By Celso FurtadoTHE HISTORIAN AS DIPLOMAT Charles Kingsley Webster and the United Nations 1939–1946. By P.A. Reynolds and E.J. HughesYOUTH, EMPIRE AND SOCIETY: British Youth Movements 1883–1940. By John SpringhallSYSTEMS OF STATES. By Martin Wight. Edited by Hedley BullEYE‐DEEP IN HELL: The Western Front 1914–18. By John EllisLORDSHIP AND FEUDALISM IN THE MIDDLE AGES. By Guy FourquinPLANNING, POLITICS AND PUBLIC POLICY: The British, French and Italian Experience. Edited by Jack Hayward and Michael WatsonMODERN SOCIAL POLITICS IN BRITAIN AND SWEDEN: From Relief to Income Maintenance. By Hugh HecloINTERVENTION IN THE MIXED ECONOMY: The Evolution of British Industrial Policy 1964–72. By Stephen Young and A.V. LoweTHE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT, 1948–1974. By Dennison Rusinow (London: C. Hurst & Company, for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1977).THE DE LORENZO GAMBIT The Italian Coup Manque of 1964. By Richard CollinTHE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CATHOLICISM IN ITALY: Partito Popolare 1919–1926. By John N. MolonySOCIAL THOUGHT IN TSARIST RUSSIA: The Quest for a General Science of Society, 1861–1917. By Alexander VucinichIRON AND STEEL IN THE GERMAN INFLATION 1916–1923. By Gerald D. Feldman (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1977).THE SPANISH ARMY AND CATALONIA: The 'Cu‐Cut! Incident' and the Law of Jurisdictions, 1905–1906. By Joaquin Rornero‐MauraDIE ZElT DER WELTKRIEGE: Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte, Band 4. By Karl Dietrich Erdmann (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1976).PARLIAMENT, POLICY AND POLITICS IN THE REIGN OF WIILIAM III. by Henry Horwitz (Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1977).CHARLES STEWART PARNELL The Man and His Family. By R. F. FosterKING LABOUR: The British Working Class 1850–1914. By David KynastonESSAYS IN LABOUR HISTORY 1918–1939. Volume 3. Edited by Asa Briggs and John Saville (London: Croom Helm, 1977).THE POST OFFICE ENGINEERING UNION: The History of the Post Office Engineers, 1870–1970. By Frank Bealey (London: Bachman and Turner, 1976).MACAULAY AND THE WHIG TRADITION. By Joseph HamburgerTHE HOLLAND HOUSE DIARIES 1831–1840: The Diary of Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Third Lord Holland, with Extracts from the Diary of Dr. John Allen.THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: Extracts from The Times 1789–1794. Introduced and edited by Neal AschersonTHE FRENCH POPULAR FRONT: A Legislative Analysis. By Paul WarwickFRANCE 1870–1914 Politics and Society. By R.D. AndersonSTUDIES ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Edited by Neville MeaneyFROM NATIONALISM TO INTERNATIONALISM: U.S. Foreign Policy to 1914. By Akira IriyeTHE IMPERIAL YEARS The United States Since 1939. By Alonzo L. HambyMASS SOCIETY AND POLITICAL CONFLICT Toward a Reconstruction of Theory. By Sandor HalebskyCRIME AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN SOCIETY. By Howard ZehrOLD AGE IN EUROPEAN SOCIETY: The Case of France. By Peter N. StearnsPOWER AND CONTROL: Social Structures and Their Transformation. Edited by Tom R. Burns and Walter BuckleyRULING CLASS, RULING CULTURE Studies of Conflict, Power and Hegemony in Australian Life. By R.W. ConnellJOHN STUART MILL, By R.J. HallidayMEASUREMENT AND ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL SYSTEMS: A Science of Social Behavior. By Stephen ColemanLANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by William M. O'Barr and Jean F. O'BarrTHE SOCIOLOGY OF POWER. By Roderick MartinORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL A Marxist Perspective. By Phil SlaterHOBBES AND AMERICA: Exploring the Constitutional Foundations. By Frank M. Coleman

Book reviewed in this article:GREAT BRITAINMARY LOBEL (Ed.). The Victoria History of the County of OxfordSUSAN REYNOLDS (Ed.). The Victoria History of the County of MiddlesexSIR GEOFFREY DUVEEN and H. G. STRIDE. The History of the Gold SovereignF. T. WAINWRIGHT (Ed.). The Northern Isles. Studies in History and ArchaeologyT. J. HUNT (Ed.). The Medieval Customs of the Manors of Taunton and Bradford onToneROBERT L. BAKER. The English Customs Service, 1307–1343. A Study of Medieval AdministrationA. R. BRIDBURY. Economic Growth: England in the Later Middle AgesHENRY S. COBB (Ed.). The Local Port Book of Southampton, 1439–40W. K. JORDAN. The Social Institutions of Lancashire. A Study of the changing Patterns of Aspirations in Lancashire, 1480–1660ALAN SIMPSON. The Wealth of the Gentry, 1540–1660G. D. RAMSAY (Ed.). John Isham. Mercer and Merchant Adventurer. Two account Books of a London Merchant in the Reign of Elizabeth ICONRAD GILL. Merchants and Manners of the 18th CenturyR. D. MERRIMAN (Ed.). Queen Anne's Navy: Documents concerning the Administration of the Navy of Queen Anne, 1702–1714M. E. OGBURN. Equitable Assurances. The Story of Life Assurance in the Experience of the Equitable Life Assurance Society, ij62‐ig62DORA MAE CLARK. The Rise of the British Treasury Publications of the Thoresby Society J. H. SMITH. The Gordon's Mill Farming Club, 1758–1764PETER MATHIAS. English Trade Tokens: the Industrial Revolution IllustratedC. HADFIELD and J. NORRIS. Waterways to StratfordA. R. B. HALDANE. New Ways through the GlensJ. B. HARLEY. Christopher Greenwood, County Map‐maker, and his Worcestershire map ofB. A. CORRY. Money, Saving and Investment in English Economics, 1800–1850E. M. SIGSWORTH. Black Dyke Mills. A History. With Introductory Chapters on the Development of the Worsted Industry in the Nineteenth CenturyFORD K. BROWN. Fathers ofthe Victorians, the Age ofWilberforceP. G. HALL. The Industries of London SinceRALPH DAVIS. Twenty‐One and a Half Bishop Lane: A history of J. H. Fenner & Co. Ltd., i86i‐ig6iA. MARSHALL. Principles of EconomicsALAN T. PEACOCK and JACK WISEMAN. The Growth of Public Expenditure in the United KingdomW. ASHWORTH. An Economic History of England: i8jo‐ig%gSIDNEY POLLARD. The Development of the British Economy, rgi4‐1950ALAN R. GRIFFIN. The Miners of Nottinghamshire, igi4‐1944MAURICE BRUCE. The Coming of the Welfare StateASA BRIGGS. The History of Broadcasting in the United KingdomF. W. PAISH. Studies in an Inflationary EconomyDUANE MEYER. The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732–1776CURTIS P. NETTELS. The Emergence of a National Economy, 1775–1815E. JAMES FERGUSON. The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, iyj6‐ijgoWILLIAM LETWIN. American Economic Policy since 1789. A Documentary HistoryNATHAN MILLER. The Enterprise of a Free People: Aspects of Economic Development in New York State During the Canal Period, 1792–1838CARTER GOODRICH, JULIUS RUBIN, H.JEROME CRANMER, and HARVEY H. SEGAL. Canals and American Economic DevelopmentMURRAY N. ROTHBARD. The Panic of i8ig, Reactions and PoliciesC. K. YEARLEY, Jr. Enterprise and Anthracite: Economics and Democracy in Schuylkill County, 1820–18JULIUS RUBIN. Canal or Railroad? Imitation and Innovation in the Response to the Erie Canal in Philadelphia, Baltimore and BostonJOHN F. STOVER. American RailroadsANGUS JAMES JOHNSTON II. Virginia Railroads in the Civil WarSTANLEY BARON. Brewed in AmericaSIMON KUZNETS. Capital in the American Economy: Its Formation and FinancingJOHN W. KENDRICK. Productivity Trends in the United StatesVICTOR R. FUGHS. Changes in the Location of Manufacturing in the United States Since ig2gA. E. HOLMANS. United States Fiscal Policy 1945–1959. Its Contribution to National StabilitySPAIN (Edited by E. Giralt‐Raventos) JAIME CARRERA PUJAL. La economia de Cataluna en el siglo XIX Aragon. Cuatro ensayos: MAXIMIANO GARCIA VENERO. Historia de los Movimientos Sindicalistas Espanoles (1840‐1933)ANTONI JUTGLAR. L'era industrial a EspanyaLUIS ALFONSO MARTINEZ CAGHERO. Alvaro Florez Estrada, su vida, su obra politico y sus ideas economicasRAMON TAMAMES. Estructura economica de EspanaRAMON TAMAMES. La lucha contra los monopoliosJ. MUNOZ PEREZ & J. BENITO ARRANZ. Guia bibliogrdfica para una geogrqfia agraria de EspanaA. MATILLA TASCON & J. PRIETO PLAZA (Eds.). Censo de la riqueza territorial e industrial de Espana en el ano de iygg, formado de orden superiorMa DEL CARMEN VILLANUEVA RICO (Ed.). Habices de las mezquitas de la ciudad de Granada y sus alqueriasGENERALE. J. DIJKSTERHUIS (trs. C. DIKSHOORN). The Mechanisation of the World PictureG. BAER. A history of land ownership in modern Egypt, 1800–1950MARGARET KIDDLE. Men of Yesterday. A Social History of the Western District of Victoria 1834–1890KEITH SINCLAIR and W. F. MANDLE. Open Account: A History of the Bank of Mew South Wales in New Zealand 1861–1961.DANIEL THORNER and ALICE THORNER. Land and Labour in IndiaABRAM BERGSON. The Real National Income of Soviet Russia sinceITALY (Edited by C. M. Cipolla) DOMENIGO SELLA. Commercio e induslrie di Venezia nel secolo XVII Aspetti e cause delta decadenza economica veneziana nel secolo XVII GIULIO GUDERZO. Vie e mezzi di comunicazione in Piemonte dal 1831 al 1861. I servizi di postaPIER LUIGI GHISLENI. Le coltivazioni e la tecnica agricola in Piemonte dal 1831 alGIUSEPPE FELLONI. Popolazione e sviluppo economico della Liguria nel secolo XIXROSARIO VILLARI (Ed.). II Sud nella storia d'Italia. Antologia della questione meridionaleJEAN BOUVIER. Le Credit Lyonnais de 1863 a 1882. Les armies de formation d'une banque de depotsANDRE ARMENGAUD. Les populations de VEst‐Aquitain au debut de Vepoque contemporaine. Recherches sur une region moins developpee [vers 1845‐vers 1871)PIERRE BARRAL. Le departement de VIsere sous la Troisieme Republique, 1870–1940. Histoire sociale el politiqueGUY P. PALMADE. Capitalisme et Capitalistes frangais au XIXe Steele

This guide accompanies the following article: Patrick Archer and Ryan Orr, 'Class Identification in Review: Past Perspectives and Future Directions', Sociology Compass 5/1 (2011): 104–115, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00352.xAuthor's introductionHistorically, sociology has had a contentious relationship with the concept of class. At times, debates over the meaning and importance of class have defined the field. More recently, however, the notable absence or weakness of class identities in class‐oriented research has led many sociologists to abandon class as an organizing concept in society. The response of class loyalists to this class‐less re‐theorization of stratification and inequality has developed along two paths. The first path emphasizes the continued importance of class as an influential force in people's lives, but jettisons any assumptions of subjective class identification. The second path has repackaged class as being hierarchical and relational while downplaying the existence of collective class identification. One consequence of these new developments in class theory has been a movement away from classical class theory and the assumed centrality of collective class identification in this work. The purpose of this article is to reexamine the contributions of classical class theory – particularly that of Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and Veblen – to the debate on collective class identification. Two questions guided this analysis. First, to what extent did Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and Veblen associate class with collective identification? Second, in what ways are the contributions of these theorists relevant to the current debates on class and identification?Author recommendsBottero, Wendy. 2004. 'Class Identities and the Identity of Class.'Sociology 38(5): 985–1003.Wendy Bottero's article Class Identities and the Identity of Class is an excellent review of the current state of class theory, particularly as it concerns class identification. While our article focuses primarily on the contribution of classical theorists to the debate on class and identification, Bottero addresses key contemporary developments to class theory and what they represent for the future meaning of class.Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Pierre Bourdieu's Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste offers readers a complex look into class identification. Bourdieu examines class identification as cultural practices and preferences that emerge through taste. On the one hand, taste operates as a method of class identification by actively distinguishing the class position to which one belongs. On the other hand, taste operates as a method of class identification by actively distinguishing class positions to which one does not belong. Bourdieu also argues that the process of (dis)identification transpires primarily on unconscious levels.Durkheim, Émile. 1984 [1893]. The Division of Labor in Society. New York, NY: The Free Press.In The Division of Labor in Society, his first major work, Émile Durkheim examines how social order is possible as small, traditional societies become more advanced and industrialized. It is here that Durkheim develops the concepts of mechanical and organic solidarity and their relation to the division of labor in society. Of particular interest to this article is the Preface to the Second Edition in which Durkheim argued that professional groupings (i.e., occupations), as opposed to class locations, were emerging as important and essential organizers of social identification.Giddens, Anthony. 1971. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.This book is an excellent resource for students at the undergraduate and graduate level who are engaging with the original writings of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim for the first time. For the first two‐thirds of the book, Giddens analyzes separately each of the theoretical contributions of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. The concluding chapters consider lines of comparison between the three authors, with particular emphasis on how Durkheim and Weber diverge from Marx. Of particular interest to this article is Giddens' examination of Weber's concepts of class and status (pp. 163–8).Grusky, David B. and Jesper B. Sørensen. 1998. 'Can Class Analysis Be Salvaged?'American Journal of Sociology 103(5): 1187–234.Using what they called a "quasi‐Durkheimian third road," Grusky and Sørensen advocate a disaggregate analysis of social stratification in the form of occupational groupings. Based on a number of premises, the authors argue that occupational groupings, contrary to aggregate class groupings, represent real cleavages among people in society. The result is an important addition to the debate over realist and nominalist approaches to class and identification.Marx, K. and F. Engels. 1964 [1848]. The Communist Manifesto. New York: Washington Square Press.Along with being one of Marx and Engels' most accessible writings for undergraduate students, The Communist Manifesto is the pair's most well‐known collaboration. In the writing, Marx and Engels conceptualize class membership evolving into two general groups. Marx and Engels organize class membership with respect to an individual's relationship to the modes of production. The bourgeoisie own the modes of production whereas the proletarians sell their labor to the owners. Marx and Engels also provide insight into cognitive and emotional aspects of class identification in their discussions of class awareness and conflict between classes.Marx, K. 1993 [1894]. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. New York: Penguin Classics.Marx offers readers a discussion of class in Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. The discussion is incomplete due to his death, but Marx conceptualizes class membership differently compared to the bourgeoisie/proletariat organization in The Communist Manifesto. Marx discusses 'three great classes' of wage‐laborers, capitalists, and landlords before introducing the idea of fragmentation of the classes into smaller groups. The unfinished conceptualization of smaller groups is where the manuscript stops. Subjective dimensions of class in Vol. 3 are not developed, but inferences of identification with class position may be traced to Marx's thoughts about class awareness and class identification.Swartz, D. 1997. Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.As the book's title indicates, David Swartz concentrates on Pierre Bourdieu's examination of the link between culture and power. Focusing on this central theme of Bourdieu's sociology, Swartz gives readers a comprehensive overview of Bourdieu's theoretical framework, including his key concepts of habitus, fields, and capitals (economic, cultural, symbolic, and social). Although discussions of class identification are present throughout the text, chapter seven ('Social Classes and the Struggle for Power') most highlights the topic by focusing on class practices and class position indicators. Swartz's informative discussions represent an excellent starting‐point for learning about Bourdieu's conceptualizations of class and class identity.Veblen, T. 1994 [1899]. The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Dover Publications, Inc.Thorstein Veblen' s The Theory of the Leisure Class represents one of the first in‐depth analyses of class identification. Veblen provides a critique of both class identification and general cultural ways of the wealthy in late 19th century America. Although often overlooked, Veblen's focus on the acquisition of status signs as attempts to achieve social superiority captures a Darwinian train of thought. He argues that instinctual desires to dominate other individuals were shaped by industrial American life into largely symbolic battles of consumption. Veblen's attention to the use of consumption practices as status markers, minus the emphasis on instinctual desires, continues to influence contemporary consumer studies.Weber, Max. 1978 [1921/22]. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (2 vols.). Berkeley: University of California Press.Max Weber's Economy and Society is exceptionally significant, both in terms of volume and contribution to the field of sociology. Unfortunately, this work was incomplete at the time of Weber's death in 1920. Weber touches on many subjects in Economy and Society, including his view on sociology and the concept of social action, which anchors much of his work. For a firsthand account of Weber's contentious definitions of class and status see the sections "Status Groups and Classes" (1978 [1921/22], pp. 302–7) and "The Distribution of Power within the Political Community: Class, Status, and Party" (1978 [1921/22], pp. 926–39).Sample syllabusSection one: Exploring class identification: understandings, significance, and debatesBeck, U. and J. Willms. 2004. Conversations with Ulrich Beck. Cambridge: Polity Press.Pakulski, J. and M. Waters. 1996. The Death of Class. London: Sage.Reay, D. 1998. 'Rethinking Social Class: Qualitative Perspectives on Class and Gender.'Sociology 32(2): 259–75.Reay, D. 2005. 'Beyond Consciousness? The Psychic Landscape of Class.'Sociology 39(5): 911–28.Section two: Class identification and classical theoryGiddens, Anthony. 1971. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Marx, K. 1978 [1932]. 'The German Ideology: Part I.' Pp. 146–200 in The Marx‐Engels Reader, 2nd edn, edited by R. C. Tucker. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.Marx, K. 1993 [1894]. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. New York: Penguin Classics. (Chapter 52)Marx, K. and F. Engels 1964 [1848]. The Communist Manifesto. New York: Washington Square Press.Weber, M. 1978 [1921/1922]. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (2 vols.). Berkeley: University of California Press.Durkheim, E. 1984 [1893]. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: The Free Press.Veblen, T. 1994 [1899]. The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Dover Publications, Inc.Section three: Class identification and contemporary theoryLukács, G. 1971 [1922]. History of Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Wright, E. O. 1997. Class Counts: Comparative Studies in Class Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Introduction, Chapters 1, 2, 5, and 6.)Swartz, D. 1997. Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. (Chapter 7)Baudrillard, J. 1981. For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. St. Louis MO: Telos. (Chapters 1, 2, 6, 7, and 11)Grusky, David B. and Jesper B. Sørensen. 1998. 'Can Class Analysis Be Salvaged?'American Journal of Sociology 103(5): 1187–234.Section four: Class identification and future directionsBottero, Wendy. 2004. 'Class Identities and the Identity of Class.'Sociology 38(5): 985–1003.Skeggs, B. 1997. Formations of Class and Gender. London: Sage.Lockwood, D. 1996. 'Civic Integration and Class Formation.'British Journal of Sociology 47(3): 531–50.Savage, M., G. Bagnall and B. Longhurst. 2001. 'Ordinary, Ambivalent and Defensive: Class Identities in the Northwest of England.'Sociology 35(4): 875–92.Assignment ideas1. Class Identification: Themes and Debates
 Using Section One's readings, highlight three different debates with respect to contemporary views on the significance of class identification. For instance, do scholars believe social class has a strong influence on individual identity? In highlighting the debates, explain all positions and the points of disagreement.
2. Comparing and Contrasting Classical Theoretical Views
 Provide summaries of each classical theorist's conceptualization of class identification. Summaries must include discussions of the theorists' understandings of class identification (What is the theorist's understanding of class identification) and discussions of the theorists' explanations of their understandings (How does the theorist explain his understanding of class identification?)
 Provide four similarities among the theorists' conceptualizations.
 Provide four differences among the theorists' conceptualizations.
3. Continuations and New Developments of class identity
 Select three contemporary theorists. For the theorists, provide summaries of their conceptualizations of class identification.
 Discuss how each theorist continues tradition(s) of classical theoretical conceptualizations of class identification.
 Discuss how each theorist provides new understandings of class identifications.
4. Envisioning Future Directions and Revisiting Current Debates
 Using both your personal thoughts and previously examined ideas, revisit two debates on the contemporary significance of class identification. In addition, discuss three potential directions of class identification scholarship, and explain how the potential future directions relate to past viewpoints on class identification.

How diversity initiatives end up marginalizing Arab Americans and US Muslims One of Donald Trump's first actions as President was to sign an executive order to limit Muslim immigration to the United States, a step toward the "complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States" he had campaigned on. This extraordinary act of Islamophobia provoked unprecedented opposition: Hollywood movies and mainstream television shows began to feature more Muslim characters in contexts other than terrorism; universities and private businesses included Muslims in their diversity initiatives; and the criminal justice system took hate crimes against Muslims more seriously. Yet Broken argues that, even amid this challenge to institutionalized Islamophobia, diversity initiatives fail on their promise by only focusing on crisis moments.Evelyn Alsultany argues that Muslims get included through "crisis diversity," where high-profile Islamophobic incidents are urgently responded to and then ignored until the next crisis. In the popular cultural arena of television, this means interrogating even those representations of Muslims that others have celebrated as refreshingly positive. What kind of message does it send, for example, when a growing number of "good Muslims" on TV seem to have arrived there, ironically, only after leaving the faith? In the realm of corporations, she critically examines the firing of high-profile individuals for anti-Muslim speech—a remedy that rebrands corporations as anti-racist while institutional racism remains intact. At universities, Muslim students get included in diversity, equity, and inclusion plans but that gets disrupted if they are involved in Palestinian rights activism. Finally, she turns to turns to hate crime laws revealing how they fail to address root causes. In each of these arenas, Alsultany finds an institutional pattern that defangs the promise of Muslim inclusion, deferring systemic change until and through the next "crisis."

Quality teaching and learning are vital to meet the increasingly complex needs of students as they prepare for further education and work in the 21st century. This publication provides insights on how to create sustainable and high quality teacher capacity development systems in primary and secondary education, technical and vocational education and training, and higher education programs. It showcases 13 case studies from around the world as examples of teacher professional development programs that support, improve, and harness teaching capabilities and expertise. The publication also discusses government initiatives and other factors that can contribute to quality teaching.

With the rapid developments in AI, robotics and biotechnology, among others, our children will witness jobs being created and becoming obsolete at ever-increasing speeds. Indeed, although the impact of the changes in science and technology cannot be accurately predicted and reflected in education at present, the labor market will continue to evolve and reshape. To that end, in order to enhance adaptability, education should veer away from traditional methods of teaching subjects that may not have any use or value in the future, and focus on nurturing children's problem-solving skills. Specifically, students need to be equipped with the ability to define pending problems, obtain the necessary information, and collaborate with others to seek out creative solutions. Even if their initial approach fails, they should have the capacity to pursue other means based on their resilience and motivation to self-learn. These competencies can be developed by motivating students―with the support of teachers―to take the initiative in deciphering related information, and systematically applying their findings; sometimes with their peers, teachers or other adults. During this process, teachers play the role of guide and facilitator as well as co-learner by sharing their ideas, asking questions, and providing the necessary resources and activities. The same is true for early childhood education. Indeed, the government revised the preexisting Nuri curriculum, and implemented a child-centered, play-based program in March of this year. The new curriculum is based on the belief that children's individuality and uniqueness should be respected, and that they are able to direct their own learning. Early childhood is seen as a phase in which mental and physical health, autonomy, creativity, aesthetic sensibility, and the ability to coexist are cultivated. Play-based education centers around activities that do not pursue any pre-planned goals and encourage enjoyment through initiative and spontaneity. They also encompass the characteristics of the problem-solving process such as establishing a hypothesis and setting goals, challenges, observation, experimentation, immersion, cooperation, imagination, creativity, intrinsic motivation, self-directed control, transformation, and creation. Of course, children learn about space and objects through play and acquire knowledge of their properties, functions and uses, and skills such as counting and reading.

The e-Asia and Knowledge Partnership Fund (EAKPF) aims to contribute to poverty reduction and foster the economic and social development process in ADB's developing member countries (DMCs) by supporting technical assistance (TA) projects that promote technologies, including information communication technology (ICT) (e-Asia program), and help facilitate the creation and sharing of information and knowledge (knowledge partnership program). For the 2017 Annual Report, the EAKPF (the Fund) marks its 11th year of providing funding support to TAs with development impact and effectiveness. The Fund was established under the Asian Development Bank (ADB) on 30 June 2006, with a contribution of $20 million from the Government of the Republic of Korea (GOK). The GOK has since made additional contributions to the Fund: $6.37 million in December 2010, $6 million in October 2011, $7.85 million in November 2012, $8 million in November 2013, $8 million in November 2014, $1.2 million in December 2015, $14.5 million in December 2016, and $15 million in November 2017. To date, the total Fund contribution remitted has reached $86,920,000.

Reforming Malaysia's education system poses one of the most important and daunting challenges for the new Pakatan Harapan (PH) government. While economic relief and financial recovery efforts – chiefly, abolishing GST, investigating corruption scandals, reviewing megaprojects, and the other "first 100 days" promises – headlined PH's manifesto, Buku Harapan, education discreetly pervaded the GE-14 campaign rhetoric and swiftly took centrestage in post-GE-14 Malaysia. PH's policy pledges, and Malaysian public expectations, span a complex range of issues, from quality of national schools to equitable education access, national integration, de-politicization of institutions, and academic freedom. The current prominence of immediate, tangible, and mostly operational measures are welcome and understandable, but PH must soon begin to lay the groundwork for fundamental reform. This Perspective proceeds with an overview of PH's education agenda. It then evaluates two broad aspects of post-GE-14 developments. First, Buku Harapan's education agenda largely targeted pledges at specific groups and popular concerns, but also expressed lofty principles and goals. This historical juncture, political milieu and leadership change hold out the potential for substantive reform, but PH will need to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive policy that clarifies continuities and changes ahead. Second, initial actions and commitments have focused on education access, electoral overtures, de-politicization of leadership appointments, institutional autonomy and academic freedom. These are welcome steps, but in doing so, PH must avoid institutionalizing practices that may detract from systematic reform, and strive to inculcate new norms, mindsets and practices in education that help bring Malaysia's education to the aspired next level.