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The paper attempts to stress the concept of immanence, as it has been developed by Deleuze and Guattari through Spinoza, in order to provide a critique of the so called platform capitalism. The digital dimension of economy and politics in fact represents a sort of a counter-attack versus Deleuze and Guattari's philosophical perspective of emancipation and the goal of the paper becomes to re-activate such a perspective by reading the works of two important contemporary scholars: Frédréric Lordon and Antoinette Rouvroy. While Lordon represents a powerful way to reactivate Spinoza's immanence in order to provide a new affirmative politics, Rouvroy shows to what degree contemporary capitalism, through its «algorithmic governmentality», is short-circuiting some of the concept developed by the French Theory (from Simondon's transinvidual to Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome and plan of immanence). With the help of these authors and of Benjiamin Bratton, the paper finally shows Immanence's symptoms of weakness in front of such a capitalism, and it attempts to recharge or reload the very immanence taking care of "ingenium", conceived as the fundamental concept of a new micropolitics.

Capitalism, uscito lo scorso anno negli Stati Uniti, è un corposo saggio in forma di dialogo scritto da due delle maggiori rappresentanti dell'attuale teoria critica: Nancy Fraser e Rahel Jaeggi. Nel volume le due autrici si propongono di tracciare «una teoria critica della società capitalistica»1 capace di connettere in una cornice unitaria le diverse crisi che pervadono le società contemporanee: crisi ambientale, economica, della riproduzione sociale e della democrazia. A guidare l'opera vi è l'intuizione, comune sia a Fraser che a Jaeggi, che tali crisi possano, nell'insieme, «essere lette precisamente come una crisi della società capitalistica, o, piuttosto, come una crisi della specifica forma di capitalismo in cui oggi viviamo»2.

Inserendoci nel recente dibattito sul capitalismo delle piattaforme, e ricorrendo alla nozione di socio-materialità, investigheremo la contraddizione capitale-lavoro-natura incorporata nel digitale. Per investigare la relazione tra piattaforme digitali e trasformazioni urbane e del lavoro, dialogheremo con diversi approcci disciplinari: dagli urban studies, agli studi sulla scienza e la tecnologia, passando per la letteratura delle catene e reti globali di produzione e la sociologia del lavoro.Scopo di questa tesi, quindi, è far emergere la socio-materialità del digitale, criticando l'idea di una dematerializzazione dei processi produttivi dovuta alle tecnologie digitali. Lo faremo a partire dall'analisi empirica di due casi di piattaformizzazione del lavoro negli spazi urbani: il food delivery a Bologna e il ride-hailing a Lisbona. Entrambi gli studi di caso mostrano, con le proprie specificità, la persistenza di processi ambivalenti, in cui l'attore pubblico e politico – il Comune di Bologna e il Parlamento portoghese – ha cercato di porre un argine normativo alle trasformazioni urbane e del lavoro dovute alle piattaforme digitali della gig economy. I processi di piattaformizzazione sono, ad un tempo, causa e conseguenza di altre due componenti della socio-materialità del digitale: la degradazione del lavoro nei nodi produttivi degli spazi extra-urbani e l'impatto ecologico. Perciò, abbiamo identificato la propagazione digitale come infrastruttura socio-materiale del capitalismo delle piattaforme, in quanto rappresenta un contributo diretto allo sfruttamento del lavoro e all'impatto ecologico nella fase contemporanea del capitalismo. Sul solco della cornice dell'etnografia multi-situata, la metodologia utilizzata per i due studi di caso sarà quella non-standard in quanto ci ha permesso di rispondere meglio agli stimoli emersi dal campo, in particolare l'intervista in profondità a testimoni qualificati (lavoratori, policy-makers, attivisti, sindacalisti). Inoltre, l'approccio netnografico, ci ha permesso di mantenere un legame, seppur mediato, con il campo di indagine. La ricerca empirica è stata condotto tra il 2019 ed il 2020. ; By situating in the critical framework of platform capitalism and adopting the socio-material approach, we investigate the capital-work-nature contradiction embodied in the digital. Thus, this research aim to highlight the socio-materiality of the digital, with a critique to the dematerialisation of the productive process as a result of digital technologies. On the contrary, this thesis make explicit the exploitation of work and nature along the global value chains of the platform capitalism. This hypothesis was developed on the basis of the case of platformisation of work in the urban spaces: the food delivery in Bologna and the ride-hailing in Lisbon. Both these cases show the persistance of contradictory and ambivalent process, for which the public actor and policy-makers (in our case the Municipality of Bologna and the Portuguese parliament) have tried to regulate the gig economy. But the process of platformization in the urban spaces are, at once, cause-and-effect of two more elements of the socio-materiality of the digital: the degradation of work in the productive nodes in the extra-urban spaces and the ecological impact. Thus, we identified the "digital propagation" as the socio-material infrastracture of platform capitalism, since it is a direct contribution to the increment of the exploitation of work and nature in the contemporary phase of capitalism. On the basis of a multi-situated etnography, we adopt a qualitative methodology, in particualar the in-depth interview to qualified witness (specifically workers, policy-makers, union representatives, activists). The field research was conducted between 2019 and 2020.

Questa tesi punta a ricostruire il pensiero politico di Bell tra il secondo dopoguerra e la metà degli anni Settanta. In tale arco cronologico, la riflessione politica di Bell si profila, per usare una formula di Jean-François Lyotard, come una «grande narrazione» del capitalismo. Nel complesso, cioè, l'opera di Bell appare come una storia sociologica del capitalismo, che nella fine delle ideologie registra l'apogeo del fordismo e, in seguito, ne mette in luce le trasformazioni in senso post-industriale, indagando le ricadute che tali mutamenti implicano sul piano dei rapporti di potere e della legittimazione del sistema. Nell'ottica di Bell, pertanto, il capitalismo non costituisce soltanto un sistema economico, ma la forma specifica attraverso cui si dispiega la società nel suo complesso, attivando una serie di rapporti di potere mediante i quali gli individui vengono coordinati e subordinati. Una siffatta concezione del capitalismo agisce immediatamente la questione del potere e solleva un interrogativo a esso connesso: «che cosa tiene insieme una società?». Una domanda che attraversa la traiettoria intellettuale di Bell e, sia pure declinata mediante una terminologia sociologica, riflette in realtà l'ambizione delle scienze sociali di farsi teoria politica. Esse si presentano quindi come teoria politica della modernità, nella misura in cui distinguono il potere sociale dal potere politico e, al tempo stesso, instaurano tra i due poli una tensione dialettica produttiva. Mettendo a fuoco la concettualizzazione del potere nell'opera di Bell si analizzeranno le mutazioni nel rapporto tra Stato e società negli Stati Uniti durante la Golden Age del capitalismo. In particolare, si metterà in luce nella grande narrazione di Bell l'ascesa e il declino di un ordine istituzionale che, alla metà degli anni Settanta, appare percorso da molteplici tensioni politiche e sociali che preannunciano l'avvento dell'età globale e il bisogno di una nuova "scala" di governo. ; This dissertations deals with Daniel Bell's political thought between the post-war era and the Seventies. During these years, Bell's political reflection appears to be, to say it in the words of Jean-François Lyotard, a «grand narrative» of capitalism. Overall, Bell's work is a sociological history of capitalism. It points out the height of fordism by assuming the end of ideology, and then sheds light on the post-industrial transformations, looking at the effects produced on power relations and the legitimacy of the socio-political system. In Bell's view, capitalism is not only an economic system, but a complex social system which places individuals in the power structure by means of subordination and coordination. «What holds a society together?» is the question that go trough the whole trajectory of his reflection. It looks a sociological question, but actually it is a political question, because the order of society depends on the legitimacy of obligation relationships. The link between politics and sociology marks Bell's thought and shows how social sciences are assumed to be the political theory of modernity: they analyze the political side of social relations as well as the social element inherent to the workings of political institutions. In other words, I look at the way in which Bell, «the sociologist of capitalism» as «The Economist» put it, distinguishes between social power and political power and then makes them interact. Focusing on Bell's view of power I analyze the transformations occurred in the relationship between State and society in the US during the so-called Golden Age of Capitalism. Particularly, drawing the trajectory of this «grand narrative» of capitalism up to mid-seventies, I highlight that Bell recognizes the coming of a global age, full of political and social strains, and the need of a new institutional scale to cope with them.

This paper focuses his attention on a specific form that Deleuze's political thought has tak-en, especially in the Eighties: believing in the world. Through the analysis of the different figures that the loss of this belief has engendered, the author tries to diagnose the contem-porary annihilation of thought and reason from one hand, and of any political faith from the other. It is then with the help of contemporary French philosopher Bernard Stiegler, and specifically through the concept of 'algorithmic govenrmentality' as borrowed from Antoinette Rouvroy, that Deleuze's (and Guattari's) formulations of the automatization of the human relation with the world, today embodied in the notion of the Anthropocene, will be extended to the critique of the newest form of computational capitalism and its weap-ons.

With this paper I want to remember André Gorz, ten years after his suicide with Dorine Keir, his life-long love, because I think that Gorz's thought is a forgotten legacy, in Italy. Particularly, I present André Gorz's thought as an argument for the introduction of a Universal and Unconditional Basic Income (an allocation universelle), a revenue d'existence, a guaranteed social income – a tool for individual emancipation and collective solidarity to depart from a société salariale [wage-earning society] and from a Fordist society. For André Gorz, in dialogue with Philippe Van Parijs, universal and unconditional basic income is a form of new solidarity and social justice in a knowledge-based economy/cognitive capitalism; it is, then, adequate to our contemporary digital era. Basic income is an opportunity to experiment with a post-capitalist society, characterized by social cooperation, political and social ecology, and liberation from work. I am sure that, one day, the XXI century will be gorzienne.

Un mondo di cambiamento permette a una nuova varietà di capitalismo di acquisire sempre più potere e influenza. Attraverso lo sviluppo tecnologico, il capitalismo sta influenzando sempre più la vita sociale, politica, economica e individuale senza che i suoi meccanismi siano stati finora chiaramente identificati. Questo gap colma il modello di capitalismo comportamentale, che dà all'approssimato una struttura che dovrebbe consentire una discussione generale. Questa monografia è costituita da precedenti pubblicazioni giornalistiche e scientifiche e le integra con parti della discussione. Questa è la traduzione della monografia: "Erste Grundlagen des Verhaltenskapitalismus: Bestandsaufnahme einer neuen Spielart des Kapitalismus", di Andreas Herteux, pubblicato da Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 978-3981900651, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3469587. Ulteriori traduzioni: "I primi fondamenti del capitalismo comportamentale: una nuova varietà di capitalismo prende potere e influenza", Andreas Herteux, Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 978-398191900675, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3469568. "Premiers fondements du capitalisme comportemental: Un inventaire d'une nouvelle variété de capitalisme", Andreas Herteux, Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 97839819191900682, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3517802. "Le prime basi del capitalismo comportamentale: Inventario di una nuova varietà di capitalismo", Andreas Herteux, Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 9783948621025, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3517835. "Primeiras Fundações do Capitalismo Comportamental: Um inventário de uma nova varied-ade de capitalismo", Andreas Herteux, Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 9783948621018, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3517837. "Primeros fundamentos del capitalismo conductual - Un inventario de una nueva variedad de capitalismo," Andreas Herteux, Erich von Werner Verlag, 2019, ISBN 978394868621001, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.3517839. "Первые основы поведенческогого капитализма капитализма: Инвентаризация новогого разнооообразия разнооообразия капитализма", Andreas Herteux, DOI ...

This paper is a review of Cesarale's book. The aim of this paper is to discuss the possibility of a political and theoretical radical space outside the framework of the capitalist mode of production. The work of the author depicts a useful political map of the positions of "radical thought".

Giorgio Cesarale's book provides not only a history of contemporary radical thought, but even the outlines of its theoretical reconstruction. Reflecting on the nihilistic character of contemporary radical thought, Cesarale delineates the traits of a critical-negative, historical reason, in which the purely, transcendental, separation between form and matter is resolutely overcome. Even the political background of the book should be read in this light.

The commentary critically addresses Emanuele Leonardi's arguments as exposed in Lavoro Natura Valore – André Gorz tra marxismo e decrescita (Orthotes, 2017). In particular, it focuses on the centrality of labour in understanding the ecological crisis and exploring potentials for reconfigurations of our entire organisation. On this basis, we reflect how, as labour itself changes, the whole relationship between value and life takes new forms

Since its birth in 1861, the Italian state has administered the foreigners' social and legal status – both in the homeland and the colonies – through administrative orders and acts, mainly expres-sed through circulars, i.e. infra-law acts. It has continued to do so even in its democratic phase. More recently, and due to a general global trend toward the linguistification of politics and law, Twitter or Facebook messages are replacing traditional circulars on migration. Political or state authorities increasingly use social media to issue their orders. Infra-law therefore stands out as a permanent normative paradigm for foreign populations, preventing them from accessing legal subjectivity and consequently producing countless negative effects. This article aims to highlight not only that this unchanging form of foreign population management leads to its perpetual subaltern social and economic condition, but also – in contrast to what Weber claims about the structural link between law and capitalism – that it is crucial to capitalism's development because it can best satisfy its need for predictability and calculability.

This article has two objectives. In the first place, it intends to show how the construction of the biomedical public discourse, shaped by the vision of virologists, doctors and epidemiologists, has become part of a broader governance device aimed at a radical restructuring of the social and productive relationships underlying our forms of life. Our central assumption intends to start from here: through a metaphor borrowed from urban geography studies we want to argue that both the Covid-19 epidemic and thepolitical management of the health emergency state are accelerating and favouring what can be called a further process of social, economic and racial gentrification of humanity. Secondly, the article intends to make a critique of the medical gaze starting from an analysis of the pandemic as a «total social fact». Attention will therefore be focused on the unequal material effects produced on the different segments of the population, not only by the social spread of the pandemic, but also by its purely medical management-codification. Particular attention will be paid here to the experience of the migrant population in Italy. The article therefore intends to highlight how the management and political governance of the pandemic in Italy do nothing but show, in other dimensions, the structural and institutional racism at the basis of what can be called «national social formation». ; Cet article a deux objectifs. En premier lieu, il entend montrer comment la construction du discours public biomédical, façonné par la vision des virologues, médecins et épidémiologistes, s'est inscrite dans un dispositif de gouvernance plus large visant une restructuration radicale des relations sociales et productives sous-jacentes à notre formes de vie. Notre principal clé de interrogation entend partir d'ici: à travers une métaphore empruntée aux études de géographie urbaine, nous voulons affirmer que l'épidémie de Covid -19 et la gestion politique de l'urgence sanitaire s'accélèrent et favorisent ce que l'on peut appeler un nouveau processus de gentrification sociale, économique et raciale de l'humanité. En second lieu, l'article entend mener une critique de la perspective médicale à partir d'une analyse de la pandémie comme « fait social total ». L'attention sera donc focalisée sur les effets matériels inégaux produits dans les différents segments de la population, non seulement par la propagation sociale de la pandémie, mais aussi par sa gestion -codification purement médicale. Une attention particu-lière sera accordée ici à l'expérience de la population migrante en Italie. L'article entend donc souligner comment la gestion et la gouvernance politique de la pandémie en Italie ne font que montrer, dans d'autres dimensions, le racisme structurel et institutionnel à la base de ce que l'on peut appeler la « formation sociale nationale ». ; Il brutale arresto della normale vita sociale imposto dalla vertiginosa diffusione globale del Covid, così come dai diversi e ambivalenti tentativi di controllo, gestione e contenimento del virus messi in pratica sia dagli stati-nazione sia dalle istituzioni globali, hanno avuto l'effetto di liberare dall'immaginario corrente i nostri interrogativi non solo sul presente, ma anche sul passato e sul futuro. Si può dire che la violenza della pandemia abbia strappato il velo del reale. Da una parte la congiuntura pandemica è un chiaro sintomo dell'insostenibilità sociale, economica, psico-ontologica ed eco-ambientale delle logiche di produzione e di accumulazione dell'attuale razionalità capitalistica globale, occorrerebbe prenderne atto; dall'altra, la stessa gestione politica del Covid, inesorabilmente investita dalla costituzione materiale e simbolica neoliberale dominante, ci sta già prefigurando, nei suoi modi di governare la crisi, ciò cui stiamo andando incontro: non una semplice restaurazione della norma pre-pandemia, bensì una sua formidabile accelerazione, un approfondimento radicale e, ci verrebbe da dire, purtroppo mortifero di buona parte dei suoi più insostenibili e distopici squilibri. Tra le molte considerazioni emerse, in modo quasi sincronico, durante il primo scoppio dello shock pandemico, Franco Berardi "Bifo" ci offre sicuramente una tra le più acute:

If culture is growing and transforming creation, productive action directed, vía paideia, the social being, the work of Bolívar Echeverría on the role of the symbolic or immaterial constitutes a fundamental contribution to a critical theory of ideology in the era of hypermediacy. From the Marxism to Baroque, politics and the political, the interconnections of thoughts projected break points and vital breakup for the social change that is just considered in current studies of spin-colonial Latin America. This article analyzes the contribution of Bolívar Echeverría works from analysis of ideology considering the semiotic work from the whole cultural dimension or symbolic production in relation to social practices and processes of reproduction of capitalism. Accepting that our time is the Neo-Baroque era, the era of the image, the cornucopia of language and culture of gamification, the article explores the highlights interpretive elements in the thesis of the baroque ethos of the author to analyze the dominant forms of symbolic power in the struggle for their own code called Cognitive Capitalism.

In his recent book "La valutazione possibile - Teoria e pratica nel mondo della ricerca, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2015" Andrea Bonaccorsi, former member of board of directors of Italian "National Agency for the Evaluation of the University and Research Systems (ANVUR)", argues in favor of governmental evaluation of scientific research. The main argument of Bonaccorsi is that the governmental evaluation of scientific research is an expression of Mertonian norms of science (communism, universalism, disinterestedness, organized skepticism). The thesis is weak for two reasons. a) Bonaccorsi misrepresents Merton's thought. b) He neglects the relationship between formal legal rules and informal norms. ; Trento LawTech Research Paper nr. 30

This paper questions dominant analyses about Libya's present 'war economy' and 'statelessness', which are often deployed to explain the country's ongoing destruction. By reinterpreting the history of the past as the failure of Libya to implement neoliberal reforms, these accounts trivialise its antiimperialist history. The article reflects on the role that war and militarism play in the US-led imperialist structure, tracing the gradual unmaking of Libya from the progressive revolutionary era, towards its transformation into a comprador state and an outpost for global class war. In doing so, it moves the focus away from Libya's 'war economy' to examine the war and the economy, linking Libya's fate to the geoeconomic and geopolitical forces at the core of US-led imperialism. ; This is a Italian translation of an article previously published in English in the Review of African Political Economy, 2020, DOI:10.1080/03056244.2020.1801405.