The intendants establish an officers's particular body who deal with the support of the common life of the soldier. They are create in 1815 and replace captains of the wars and inspectors in reviews. Their study includes two parts. The first one intended to present their general social and military characteristics. It includes the following domains : - the geographical origine, - the age and the rank in the marriage, - the profession of the fathers and the fathers in law, - the composition and the amount of dowries, - files of wedding authorization request, - applications for a scholarship for military academies, - place of the private life in the appreciations given by their supériors, - the origin of the recruitment (graduests of St. Cyr, graduests of Polytechnique prestige engineering school, soldiers), - the causes of ends of carreer, - big events of the career (entered the body of control of the administration, interruptions of service, tranfers). - the questioning of the military estate management after the defeat of 1870, in particular its place face to face of the command ; - the place of the officers of administration et of the military medical officers, - the image of the bursars among the others officers. The second parts explains the progesses of careers, il contains the following domains : - the results of the schooling in military academies and their influence in the appreciations given by their superiors, and of the promotion ; - the careers in the element of the army of origin (influence of the appreciations, the congratulations and the punishments) ; - the conditions of the passage in the estate management (the competition, the administrative training), - the careers in the estate management (the influence of the career in the weapon origin, the roles of the origin and of the appreciations in the access of the various ranks, the progressions of the careers according to the passage in the second rank). ; Les intendants militaires constituent une catégorie particulière d'officiers qui s'occupent ...
The intendants establish an officers's particular body who deal with the support of the common life of the soldier. They are create in 1815 and replace captains of the wars and inspectors in reviews. Their study includes two parts. The first one intended to present their general social and military characteristics. It includes the following domains : - the geographical origine, - the age and the rank in the marriage, - the profession of the fathers and the fathers in law, - the composition and the amount of dowries, - files of wedding authorization request, - applications for a scholarship for military academies, - place of the private life in the appreciations given by their supériors, - the origin of the recruitment (graduests of St. Cyr, graduests of Polytechnique prestige engineering school, soldiers), - the causes of ends of carreer, - big events of the career (entered the body of control of the administration, interruptions of service, tranfers). - the questioning of the military estate management after the defeat of 1870, in particular its place face to face of the command ; - the place of the officers of administration et of the military medical officers, - the image of the bursars among the others officers. The second parts explains the progesses of careers, il contains the following domains : - the results of the schooling in military academies and their influence in the appreciations given by their superiors, and of the promotion ; - the careers in the element of the army of origin (influence of the appreciations, the congratulations and the punishments) ; - the conditions of the passage in the estate management (the competition, the administrative training), - the careers in the estate management (the influence of the career in the weapon origin, the roles of the origin and of the appreciations in the access of the various ranks, the progressions of the careers according to the passage in the second rank). ; Les intendants militaires constituent une catégorie particulière d'officiers qui s'occupent ...
Public Management Changes in Great Britain and the Goal of "Deprivileging" the Civil Service
After a brief general survey of the main "New Public Management" changes which were introduced into the UK public services in the 1980s and early 1990s, this article focuses on the top civil service. It explores how far top civil servants were affected by the Thatcher governments's aim to "deprivilege the civil service". It shows that senior civil servants seem to have been less "deprivileged" than lower-level civil servants in terms of pay, conditions of employment and exposure to "harder" management regimes. But it also argues that the senior civil service seems to have bifurcated. The departments are still headed by civil servants with the classic closed-carreer "Whitehall" profile and with traditional styles of pay and tenure. But the "agencies" which have been created within the civil service since 1988 are headed by a group which is socially very different and which has different structures of pay and tenure. Whether this bifurcation will remain, or whether senior "policy" civil servants will be exposed to lateral-entry and fixed-term contracts like the agency heads, remains to be seen.
Managing the Mandate. The 1929 Act on the extended mayoral term and the redefinition of political space in France Guillaume Marrel Renaud Payre Since the 1929 Act the mayoral term has been extended from four to six years. Although it is now forgotten, this act offers an opportunity to analyse how a new definition of local authority's power could emerge at commune level. One of the first steps towards the temporal codification of municipal power, the bill was passed at the end of a twenty-year long debate in which the program of municipal reforms met some aspects of politicians' corporate interests. The purpose was to improve municipal management, which was undergoing transformation. A longer term was introduced as a compromise between two aspects of mayoral legitimacy: responsibility and election. It created a new character to be supported by some municipal reformers: the « urban manager ». First of all, it allowed elected representatives who had to face hazardous ballots based on universal franchise to get « notable » statuses. Hence the idea was not so much to improve municipal management as to reduce risks for some politicians who had to pay attention to their electoral carreer. As very special "notables" "cumulards" (holders of several elected positions) got hold of this proposed municipal reform.. On a political point of view being supported by interest groups such as the national association of mayors (Association des Maires de France) and the parliamentary group of senateurs-maires, they managed to have the bill passed.
The Roman's victory over the Seleucids at Apamea in 188 B.C. offers them the chance to become the most powerful force of the Mediterranean area, overtaking hellenistic monarchies and confederations of Greek cities domination. In the books XXII through XXIX of Histories, from which the fragments that remain today come from the Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybius describes the following events until the Roman victory over Perseus' Macedonia in 168 B.C. He tries to justify the Roman behaviour and accuses Philippe V of being the one who pulled the trigger of the Third Macedonian War. Polybius' story, although its lack of objectivity is sometimes obvious, is an interesting resource to understand both Roman diplomacy across the Oriental Mediterranean area and the Achean politic between Rome and the hellenistic monarchies. It mainly reveals that, as any other Greek, Polybius couldn't detect the rise of the Roman imperialism, an defensive imperialism that does not accept, even indirectly, that its interests might be harmed. The description of these political and military events comes with a number of judgements and lessons from Polybius. Thanks to those, we can better understand his vision of the ideal political man. Moreover, they perfectly reveal the consistency between the books XXII through XXIX and the rest of Histories, despite the particular status of these books since they match Polybius' entire political carreer in Greece, before his exile in Rome from 168 to 151 B.C. ; La victoire des Romains sur les Séleucides à Apamée en 188 av. J.-C. leur permet d'acquérir le statut de puissance dominante du bassin méditerranéen, au détriment des monarchies hellénistiques et des confédérations de cités grecques. Dans les livres XXII à XXIX des Histoires, dont les fragments qui nous sont parvenus proviennent des Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybe nous décrit les événements qui ont suivi, jusqu'à la victoire de Rome sur la Macédoine de Persée en 168. Il cherche à justifier l'attitude des Romains, rejetant la responsabilité du ...
The Roman's victory over the Seleucids at Apamea in 188 B.C. offers them the chance to become the most powerful force of the Mediterranean area, overtaking hellenistic monarchies and confederations of Greek cities domination. In the books XXII through XXIX of Histories, from which the fragments that remain today come from the Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybius describes the following events until the Roman victory over Perseus' Macedonia in 168 B.C. He tries to justify the Roman behaviour and accuses Philippe V of being the one who pulled the trigger of the Third Macedonian War. Polybius' story, although its lack of objectivity is sometimes obvious, is an interesting resource to understand both Roman diplomacy across the Oriental Mediterranean area and the Achean politic between Rome and the hellenistic monarchies. It mainly reveals that, as any other Greek, Polybius couldn't detect the rise of the Roman imperialism, an defensive imperialism that does not accept, even indirectly, that its interests might be harmed. The description of these political and military events comes with a number of judgements and lessons from Polybius. Thanks to those, we can better understand his vision of the ideal political man. Moreover, they perfectly reveal the consistency between the books XXII through XXIX and the rest of Histories, despite the particular status of these books since they match Polybius' entire political carreer in Greece, before his exile in Rome from 168 to 151 B.C. ; La victoire des Romains sur les Séleucides à Apamée en 188 av. J.-C. leur permet d'acquérir le statut de puissance dominante du bassin méditerranéen, au détriment des monarchies hellénistiques et des confédérations de cités grecques. Dans les livres XXII à XXIX des Histoires, dont les fragments qui nous sont parvenus proviennent des Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybe nous décrit les événements qui ont suivi, jusqu'à la victoire de Rome sur la Macédoine de Persée en 168. Il cherche à justifier l'attitude des Romains, rejetant la responsabilité du ...
The Roman's victory over the Seleucids at Apamea in 188 B.C. offers them the chance to become the most powerful force of the Mediterranean area, overtaking hellenistic monarchies and confederations of Greek cities domination. In the books XXII through XXIX of Histories, from which the fragments that remain today come from the Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybius describes the following events until the Roman victory over Perseus' Macedonia in 168 B.C. He tries to justify the Roman behaviour and accuses Philippe V of being the one who pulled the trigger of the Third Macedonian War. Polybius' story, although its lack of objectivity is sometimes obvious, is an interesting resource to understand both Roman diplomacy across the Oriental Mediterranean area and the Achean politic between Rome and the hellenistic monarchies. It mainly reveals that, as any other Greek, Polybius couldn't detect the rise of the Roman imperialism, an defensive imperialism that does not accept, even indirectly, that its interests might be harmed. The description of these political and military events comes with a number of judgements and lessons from Polybius. Thanks to those, we can better understand his vision of the ideal political man. Moreover, they perfectly reveal the consistency between the books XXII through XXIX and the rest of Histories, despite the particular status of these books since they match Polybius' entire political carreer in Greece, before his exile in Rome from 168 to 151 B.C. ; La victoire des Romains sur les Séleucides à Apamée en 188 av. J.-C. leur permet d'acquérir le statut de puissance dominante du bassin méditerranéen, au détriment des monarchies hellénistiques et des confédérations de cités grecques. Dans les livres XXII à XXIX des Histoires, dont les fragments qui nous sont parvenus proviennent des Excerpta Constantiniana, Polybe nous décrit les événements qui ont suivi, jusqu'à la victoire de Rome sur la Macédoine de Persée en 168. Il cherche à justifier l'attitude des Romains, rejetant la responsabilité du ...
Version remaniée et allégée d'avril 2013. ; We know the city of Nemausus' rich Roman aristocracy through inscriptions and a few Roman writers. In the first century before the Common Era, praetors seem to be at the head the Confederation of Arecomic Volques including about 30 independent towns. In the Caesarian Era, these towns received Latin Law and Nemausus became a Latin colony ruled by quattuorviri. In the beginning of the Augustean Era, Nemausus was founded again; most towns lost their independence and were then ruled by Nemausus. It could have been the period when the local political curriculum was modified. The elite seemed, at this time, to be comprised mostly of descendants of the former indigenous ruling aristocrats who received citizenship from great generals of the Roman Republic. The most important and talented then entered the Roman Senate. The curriculum distinguished between members of the traditional indigenous elite who followed a carreer comprised of 3 or 4 steps and people from less prestigious families who could only become quaestores or aediles. The order of charges was strict only for those who were not equites and senators never undertook local offices. During the first century of the C.E., the ruling elite became more diverse, even though descendants from the traditional aristocracy still dominated politics. Nemausus was at its zenith in the second century. Nearly no senator originated from the city at that time but equites had an unprecedented greatness and the city flourished on the province of Narbonensis. Members of the ruling elite were now mostly from new families. The elite from Nemausus increasingly focused on Narbonensis, while previously it was mostly focused on Rome. In the second century C.E., members of the elite increased contributions towards Nemausus and other provincial cities, local senates decreeing honorific rewards in exchange. Nemausus now attracted not only elites from Arecomic towns previously independent, but also elites from other cities. Beginning in the third ...
How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history ...
How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history ...
Version remaniée et allégée d'avril 2013. ; We know the city of Nemausus' rich Roman aristocracy through inscriptions and a few Roman writers. In the first century before the Common Era, praetors seem to be at the head the Confederation of Arecomic Volques including about 30 independent towns. In the Caesarian Era, these towns received Latin Law and Nemausus became a Latin colony ruled by quattuorviri. In the beginning of the Augustean Era, Nemausus was founded again; most towns lost their independence and were then ruled by Nemausus. It could have been the period when the local political curriculum was modified. The elite seemed, at this time, to be comprised mostly of descendants of the former indigenous ruling aristocrats who received citizenship from great generals of the Roman Republic. The most important and talented then entered the Roman Senate. The curriculum distinguished between members of the traditional indigenous elite who followed a carreer comprised of 3 or 4 steps and people from less prestigious families who could only become quaestores or aediles. The order of charges was strict only for those who were not equites and senators never undertook local offices. During the first century of the C.E., the ruling elite became more diverse, even though descendants from the traditional aristocracy still dominated politics. Nemausus was at its zenith in the second century. Nearly no senator originated from the city at that time but equites had an unprecedented greatness and the city flourished on the province of Narbonensis. Members of the ruling elite were now mostly from new families. The elite from Nemausus increasingly focused on Narbonensis, while previously it was mostly focused on Rome. In the second century C.E., members of the elite increased contributions towards Nemausus and other provincial cities, local senates decreeing honorific rewards in exchange. Nemausus now attracted not only elites from Arecomic towns previously independent, but also elites from other cities. Beginning in the third century, we lose trace of this elite since they stopped using inscriptions. ; La cité de Nîmes se distingue, à l'époque romaine, par sa riche aristocratie connue grâce aux inscriptions et à quelques mentions littéraires. Au premier siècle av.n.è., des préteurs sont attestés ; ils semblent être à la tête de la confédération des Volques Arécomiques, rassemblant une trentaine d'agglomérations indépendantes. A l'époque césarienne, ces agglomérations reçoivent le droit latin et Nîmes devient une colonie latine dirigée par des quattuorvirs. Au début du règne d'Auguste, Nîmes est refondée ; la plupart des autres agglomérations de la région passent sous sa domination politique. C'est peut-être à cette occasion que le cursus est modifié et élargi. A cette époque, les notables semblent souvent être les descendants d'aristocrates ayant reçu la citoyenneté de grands généraux de la République, et donc être issus de l'ancienne élite dirigeante indigène. Les plus importants intègrent le Sénat de Rome. La carrière sépare nettement des élites anciennes suivant le parcours en trois à quatre étapes et des personnages plus modestes ne prenant en charge que la questure ou l'édilité. Le cursus n'est strict que pour ceux qui n'appartiennent pas à l'ordre équestre et les sénateurs ne le suivent jamais. Au cours du premier siècle de n.è., l'origine des notables se diversifie, même si les descendants des aristocrates issus des clientèles républicaines dominent encore la vie politique. La période la plus faste pour Nîmes est le deuxième siècle de n.è. Nîmes ne produit quasiment plus de sénateurs, mais les chevaliers locaux ont une ampleur sans précédent, et la cité rayonne sur la Narbonnaise. Les magistrats sont alors très largement issus de nouvelles familles indigènes n'ayant pas appartenu aux clientèles républicaines. L'élite nîmoise se recentre ainsi progressivement sur sa province, alors qu'elle était tournée vers Rome au premier siècle de n.è. Au deuxième siècle, elle multiplie les attentions envers sa cité et les communautés de Narbonnaise, celles-ci lui rendant les dépenses par l'octroi d'honneurs. Nîmes attire désormais non seulement les élites des communautés arécomiques anciennement indépendantes, mais aussi celles d'autres cités de la région. Toutefois, un arrêt progressif de l'usage des inscriptions ne nous permet presque plus, à partir du début du troisième siècle de n.è., de connaître les notables.
Version remaniée et allégée d'avril 2013. ; We know the city of Nemausus' rich Roman aristocracy through inscriptions and a few Roman writers. In the first century before the Common Era, praetors seem to be at the head the Confederation of Arecomic Volques including about 30 independent towns. In the Caesarian Era, these towns received Latin Law and Nemausus became a Latin colony ruled by quattuorviri. In the beginning of the Augustean Era, Nemausus was founded again; most towns lost their independence and were then ruled by Nemausus. It could have been the period when the local political curriculum was modified. The elite seemed, at this time, to be comprised mostly of descendants of the former indigenous ruling aristocrats who received citizenship from great generals of the Roman Republic. The most important and talented then entered the Roman Senate. The curriculum distinguished between members of the traditional indigenous elite who followed a carreer comprised of 3 or 4 steps and people from less prestigious families who could only become quaestores or aediles. The order of charges was strict only for those who were not equites and senators never undertook local offices. During the first century of the C.E., the ruling elite became more diverse, even though descendants from the traditional aristocracy still dominated politics. Nemausus was at its zenith in the second century. Nearly no senator originated from the city at that time but equites had an unprecedented greatness and the city flourished on the province of Narbonensis. Members of the ruling elite were now mostly from new families. The elite from Nemausus increasingly focused on Narbonensis, while previously it was mostly focused on Rome. In the second century C.E., members of the elite increased contributions towards Nemausus and other provincial cities, local senates decreeing honorific rewards in exchange. Nemausus now attracted not only elites from Arecomic towns previously independent, but also elites from other cities. Beginning in the third century, we lose trace of this elite since they stopped using inscriptions. ; La cité de Nîmes se distingue, à l'époque romaine, par sa riche aristocratie connue grâce aux inscriptions et à quelques mentions littéraires. Au premier siècle av.n.è., des préteurs sont attestés ; ils semblent être à la tête de la confédération des Volques Arécomiques, rassemblant une trentaine d'agglomérations indépendantes. A l'époque césarienne, ces agglomérations reçoivent le droit latin et Nîmes devient une colonie latine dirigée par des quattuorvirs. Au début du règne d'Auguste, Nîmes est refondée ; la plupart des autres agglomérations de la région passent sous sa domination politique. C'est peut-être à cette occasion que le cursus est modifié et élargi. A cette époque, les notables semblent souvent être les descendants d'aristocrates ayant reçu la citoyenneté de grands généraux de la République, et donc être issus de l'ancienne élite dirigeante indigène. Les plus importants intègrent le Sénat de Rome. La carrière sépare nettement des élites anciennes suivant le parcours en trois à quatre étapes et des personnages plus modestes ne prenant en charge que la questure ou l'édilité. Le cursus n'est strict que pour ceux qui n'appartiennent pas à l'ordre équestre et les sénateurs ne le suivent jamais. Au cours du premier siècle de n.è., l'origine des notables se diversifie, même si les descendants des aristocrates issus des clientèles républicaines dominent encore la vie politique. La période la plus faste pour Nîmes est le deuxième siècle de n.è. Nîmes ne produit quasiment plus de sénateurs, mais les chevaliers locaux ont une ampleur sans précédent, et la cité rayonne sur la Narbonnaise. Les magistrats sont alors très largement issus de nouvelles familles indigènes n'ayant pas appartenu aux clientèles républicaines. L'élite nîmoise se recentre ainsi progressivement sur sa province, alors qu'elle était tournée vers Rome au premier siècle de n.è. Au deuxième siècle, elle multiplie les attentions envers sa cité et les communautés de Narbonnaise, celles-ci lui rendant les dépenses par l'octroi d'honneurs. Nîmes attire désormais non seulement les élites des communautés arécomiques anciennement indépendantes, mais aussi celles d'autres cités de la région. Toutefois, un arrêt progressif de l'usage des inscriptions ne nous permet presque plus, à partir du début du troisième siècle de n.è., de connaître les notables.
Version remaniée et allégée d'avril 2013. ; We know the city of Nemausus' rich Roman aristocracy through inscriptions and a few Roman writers. In the first century before the Common Era, praetors seem to be at the head the Confederation of Arecomic Volques including about 30 independent towns. In the Caesarian Era, these towns received Latin Law and Nemausus became a Latin colony ruled by quattuorviri. In the beginning of the Augustean Era, Nemausus was founded again; most towns lost their independence and were then ruled by Nemausus. It could have been the period when the local political curriculum was modified. The elite seemed, at this time, to be comprised mostly of descendants of the former indigenous ruling aristocrats who received citizenship from great generals of the Roman Republic. The most important and talented then entered the Roman Senate. The curriculum distinguished between members of the traditional indigenous elite who followed a carreer comprised of 3 or 4 steps and people from less prestigious families who could only become quaestores or aediles. The order of charges was strict only for those who were not equites and senators never undertook local offices. During the first century of the C.E., the ruling elite became more diverse, even though descendants from the traditional aristocracy still dominated politics. Nemausus was at its zenith in the second century. Nearly no senator originated from the city at that time but equites had an unprecedented greatness and the city flourished on the province of Narbonensis. Members of the ruling elite were now mostly from new families. The elite from Nemausus increasingly focused on Narbonensis, while previously it was mostly focused on Rome. In the second century C.E., members of the elite increased contributions towards Nemausus and other provincial cities, local senates decreeing honorific rewards in exchange. Nemausus now attracted not only elites from Arecomic towns previously independent, but also elites from other cities. Beginning in the third century, we lose trace of this elite since they stopped using inscriptions. ; La cité de Nîmes se distingue, à l'époque romaine, par sa riche aristocratie connue grâce aux inscriptions et à quelques mentions littéraires. Au premier siècle av.n.è., des préteurs sont attestés ; ils semblent être à la tête de la confédération des Volques Arécomiques, rassemblant une trentaine d'agglomérations indépendantes. A l'époque césarienne, ces agglomérations reçoivent le droit latin et Nîmes devient une colonie latine dirigée par des quattuorvirs. Au début du règne d'Auguste, Nîmes est refondée ; la plupart des autres agglomérations de la région passent sous sa domination politique. C'est peut-être à cette occasion que le cursus est modifié et élargi. A cette époque, les notables semblent souvent être les descendants d'aristocrates ayant reçu la citoyenneté de grands généraux de la République, et donc être issus de l'ancienne élite dirigeante indigène. Les plus importants intègrent le Sénat de Rome. La carrière sépare nettement des élites anciennes suivant le parcours en trois à quatre étapes et des personnages plus modestes ne prenant en charge que la questure ou l'édilité. Le cursus n'est strict que pour ceux qui n'appartiennent pas à l'ordre équestre et les sénateurs ne le suivent jamais. Au cours du premier siècle de n.è., l'origine des notables se diversifie, même si les descendants des aristocrates issus des clientèles républicaines dominent encore la vie politique. La période la plus faste pour Nîmes est le deuxième siècle de n.è. Nîmes ne produit quasiment plus de sénateurs, mais les chevaliers locaux ont une ampleur sans précédent, et la cité rayonne sur la Narbonnaise. Les magistrats sont alors très largement issus de nouvelles familles indigènes n'ayant pas appartenu aux clientèles républicaines. L'élite nîmoise se recentre ainsi progressivement sur sa province, alors qu'elle était tournée vers Rome au premier siècle de n.è. Au deuxième siècle, elle multiplie les attentions envers sa cité et les communautés de Narbonnaise, celles-ci lui rendant les dépenses par l'octroi d'honneurs. Nîmes attire désormais non seulement les élites des communautés arécomiques anciennement indépendantes, mais aussi celles d'autres cités de la région. Toutefois, un arrêt progressif de l'usage des inscriptions ne nous permet presque plus, à partir du début du troisième siècle de n.è., de connaître les notables.
How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history manifests the relationships between economic policies, the evolution of French capitalism, and the concrete modalities of the construction, weakening and disappearing of an important segment of the working class. ; Comment des travailleurs marocains ont-ils été utilisés pour fermer les mines de charbon du Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? C'est à cette question que répond cette thèse. Elle s'inscrit dans une histoire économique du secteur charbonnier, et dans une socio-histoire des politiques migratoires vues du point de vue non pas de l'Etat mais d'une entreprise, de ses dirigeants et des agents impliqués dans le recrutement, l'administration et le contrôle de ces travailleurs immigrés. Alors que les puits d'extraction du charbon ferment les uns après les autres dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais, comprendre quel a été le rôle des travailleurs marocains nécessite de situer leurs trajectoires professionnelles dans une histoire de la lente disparition du groupe professionnel des mineurs. Le contexte colonial pèse aussi lourdement, interrogeant les relations entre institutions étatiques et entreprises de part et d'autre de la Méditerranée, ainsi que les modalités d'importation de schèmes racialistes et de pratiques d'encadrement et de contrôle des populations.Cette recherche s'inscrit ainsi à l'intersection d'une sociologie économique de l'entreprise et de la régulation par l'Etat d'un secteur économique, et d'une sociologie historique du travail des politiques migratoires, et de la classe ouvrière. Afin de comprendre la manière dont une grande entreprise a mené, dans la durée, une politique de recrutement de travailleurs immigrés, il est nécessaire de mener l'analyse conjointe des transformations du système productif et des conditions économiques de production de l'entreprise, de l'évolution de la politique de main-d'œuvre interne à l'entreprise, et des trajectoires individuelles au sein d'un groupe professionnel segmenté et hiérarchisé.Les sources mobilisées sont constituées des fonds d'archives des Houillères du Nord-Pas-de-Calais et des Charbonnages de France, des fonds relatifs à la politique charbonnière des gouvernements français, des écrits et débats au sein d'un petit groupe d'ingénieurs-économistes du corps des Mines ayant contribué au pilotage de la récession charbonnière, et de dossiers de carrière de travailleurs des mines. Deux types de quantification sont mis en œuvre : à partir de statistiques de gestion et de main-d'œuvre produites par l'entreprise, et à partir d'un échantillon de 400 dossiers de carrière de mineurs (200 Marocains et 200 non marocains).De la nationalisation du secteur minier à la fermeture du dernier puits du Nord-Pas-de-Calais en 1990, apparaissent les liens entre politiques économiques, évolution du capitalisme français et modalités concrète de la construction, de l'affaiblissement, et de la disparition d'une frange importante de la classe ouvrière.
How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history manifests the relationships between economic policies, the evolution of French capitalism, and the concrete modalities of the construction, weakening and disappearing of an important segment of the working class. ; Comment des travailleurs marocains ont-ils été utilisés pour fermer les mines de charbon du Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? C'est à cette question que répond cette thèse. Elle s'inscrit dans une histoire économique du secteur charbonnier, et dans une socio-histoire des politiques migratoires vues du point de vue non pas de l'Etat mais d'une entreprise, de ses dirigeants et des agents impliqués dans le recrutement, l'administration et le contrôle de ces travailleurs immigrés. Alors que les puits d'extraction du charbon ferment les uns après les autres dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais, comprendre quel a été le rôle des travailleurs marocains nécessite de situer leurs trajectoires professionnelles dans une histoire de la lente disparition du groupe professionnel des mineurs. Le contexte colonial pèse aussi lourdement, interrogeant les relations entre institutions étatiques et entreprises de part et d'autre de la Méditerranée, ainsi que les modalités d'importation de schèmes racialistes et de pratiques d'encadrement et de contrôle des populations.Cette recherche s'inscrit ainsi à l'intersection d'une sociologie économique de l'entreprise et de la régulation par l'Etat d'un secteur économique, et d'une sociologie historique du travail des politiques migratoires, et de la classe ouvrière. Afin de comprendre la manière dont une grande entreprise a mené, dans la durée, une politique de recrutement de travailleurs immigrés, il est nécessaire de mener l'analyse conjointe des transformations du système productif et des conditions économiques de production de l'entreprise, de l'évolution de la politique de main-d'œuvre interne à l'entreprise, et des trajectoires individuelles au sein d'un groupe professionnel segmenté et hiérarchisé.Les sources mobilisées sont constituées des fonds d'archives des Houillères du Nord-Pas-de-Calais et des Charbonnages de France, des fonds relatifs à la politique charbonnière des gouvernements français, des écrits et débats au sein d'un petit groupe d'ingénieurs-économistes du corps des Mines ayant contribué au pilotage de la récession charbonnière, et de dossiers de carrière de travailleurs des mines. Deux types de quantification sont mis en œuvre : à partir de statistiques de gestion et de main-d'œuvre produites par l'entreprise, et à partir d'un échantillon de 400 dossiers de carrière de mineurs (200 Marocains et 200 non marocains).De la nationalisation du secteur minier à la fermeture du dernier puits du Nord-Pas-de-Calais en 1990, apparaissent les liens entre politiques économiques, évolution du capitalisme français et modalités concrète de la construction, de l'affaiblissement, et de la disparition d'une frange importante de la classe ouvrière.
