The SANU-Memorandum of 1986 is the ultimate manifesto of the Greater Serbian idea; in the economic department, it is manifested in the form of vying for investments into Serbia, of the elimination of the "political and economic domination of Slovenia and Croatia", and of "disencumbering Serbia from contributing to the Federation fund". Its authors put the blame for the alleged lagging of Serbia exclusively on Slovenia and Croatia, and thus consequently make them responsible for all unsound economic policies in the former Yugoslavia. Particularly venomous charges are reserved for the Constitution of 1974, which makes for the independence ("secession") of Slovenia and Croatia, viewed as a precursor of a possible catastrophe. These two republics, they believe, are "morally obliged" to aid the development of the underdeveloped republics, since Serbia has sacrificed most, and the price of that has been its own thwarted development. + Two issues are central to Serbian economists: the 1961-1965 five-year plan and the system of financing a faster development of the underdeveloped regions (the Federation Fund). They demand that Serbia should be completely exempted from aiding the underdeveloped and, at the same time, extra measures for a faster development of Serbia proper should be decreed. The impossibility of solving these problems in this dictated manner brought about the economic disintegration of Yugoslavia, followed by the strategy of violence which ended in the aggression. Nevertheless, the Serbian political elite thinks that their political and economic standing has been enhanced and thus, in the negotiations about the succession, they flaunt the Memorandum propositions, and continue to live under the illusion that the Greater Serbia is a viable option, both economically and politically. (SOI : PM: S. 27)
What are today's mass media like? Are they objective enough or are consumers too fatidious? How topical the issues of the freedom of the media, truth, and objectivity are? The author has tried to provide the answers by looking into the norms and regulations in Croatia and abroad, beginning with the Code of Honour of the Croatian Association of Journalists, the documents of the Council of Europe and the famous First Amendment to the US Constitution. + A probe into the freedoms of American journalism shows that there are no all-inclusive recipes and that these freedoms must be fought for and won. The best way to secure the right to the freedom of speech is to consistently respect the standards of professional journalism. However, our experience and practice show that this aspect is most lacking. Particularly interesting is how these problems were noticed by Croatian journalists Frano Folnegovic and Bogoslav Sulek more than a century ago. Apart from the political restrictions and pressures, Croatian journalists do not pay enough attention to this respect for the standards of professional journalism, which can best be illustrated by the example of the catastrophe of that American plane near Dubrovnik, when some media reported not only that the plane had safely landed but published the late Secretary's statement. Only by strictly respecting professional standards, which may be achieved through constant improvement, study and research, the preconditions for objective and authentic reporting may be realised. (SOI : PM: S. 165) + Civil society has set up many commissions, councils and committees with the aim of controlling mass media so that they would not only be a profit-amassing industry but would also conform to the fundamental demands that are put on journalism
The war in Kosovo and Metohia was the result of a decade long tensions between ethnic Serbs and Albanians. It was led from the air in order to avoid more potential victims in case of land invasion. The end of war was the result of mutual concessions: from NATO side and the Serbian one. The sovereignty of FRY was not put into question, but a great autonomy of Kosovo was predicted including the possibility of independence acquisition (secession). The Resolution 1244 was not abolished, but it was being derogated in order to prepare the fundament of Kosovo independence. Serbian military-security forces were withdrawn from the territory of Kosovo and Metohia. NATO intervention was not legal from the point of view of international law, but it subordinated sovereignty to human rights. Intervention was justified in cases of humanitarian need. Event though humanitarian need (catastrophe) is taken as the basis for the intervention, the example of such kind could not be found in the past. So, Kosovo cases were qualified as sui generis one. Thus, the war in Kosovo became an example to be followed in the future, and an unresolved situation may become the threat to the peace and security in the surrounding countries. Democratic countries give themselves the right to interfere and intervene into internal affairs of others differently from the autocratic ones, which was supposed to be neither correct nor consistent. Kosovo conflict and war rattled global power structure, especially with China and Russia as new challengers of the USA power. Both countries are trying hard to reach USA, but they are still in transition with unstable financial systems, migrations and unresolved system of social protection. Regarding Kosovo conflict and war, they engaged themselves rather indirectly than directly. As Security Council permanent members they were voting against the independence of Kosovo, but did not involve themselves into the war directly. Kosovo war showed how China is backward regarding war technique, and Russia regarding financial engagement. In addition, China expected membership in WTO, and Russia a great financial assistance. Russia engaged in negotiations via the Contact Group. With the arrival of Putin, Russia could not engage in Balkan more militarily but only commercially due to the fact most Balkan countries entered NATO or Partnership for Peace Programme. Internal cohesion of Russia with centralistic governance was reinforced, and ethnic tensions were calmed down. The perspective of Russia is United Nations and commerce through pipeline.
Disertacija sarži uvod, četiri poglavlja i zaključak. U prvom poglavlju pod naslovom "Nastanak i delovanje Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija" izložen je početak pojave ideje Međunarodne organizacije kao i istorijski razvoj ovog koncepta do svetske porodice u današnje vreme, koju čine 193 države. Takođe, dotaknuta je serija izjava kao i međunarodne konferencije koje su dovele do formiranja Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija, formulisanja njenih ciljeva i principa, kao i načina i uslova učlanjenja u tu organizaciju. Detaljnije su proučavane uloge Generalne skupštine i Saveta bezbednosti zbog njihove važnosti. U drugom poglavlju, pod naslovom "Razlozi koji ukazuju na potrebe reforme Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija", objašnjeni su sledeći razlozi neophodnosti reforme ove organizacije: 1. skretanje Ujedinjenih nacija s puta; 2. kontradiktornosti sistema Ujedinjenih nacija; 3. nedostaci Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija; 4. nedostaci u mehanizmu donošenja odluka; 5. svetske promene; 6. mistifikacija u misijama Ujedinjenih nacija; 7. moćna središta; 8. raskorak između misije i raspoloživih sredstava; 9. korupcija. U trećem poglavlju, pod naslovom "Organizacija ujedinjenih nacija između povelje i dominantne sile" objašnjen je odnos Sjedinjenih Američkih Država sa Organizacijom ujedinjenih nacija kroz sledeću grupu tačaka i tema: 1. siže američkih promena od izolacije do internacionalizma; 2. politika SAD u Ujedinjenim nacijama tokom hladnog rata; 3. stav SAD o ulozi UN u oblasti čuvanja mira, ekonomske saradnje i ljudskih prava; 4. stav SAD prema UN u periodu pre raspada Sovjetskog Saveza; 5. SAD i UN posle hladnog rata; 6. američki stav prema UN posle završetka hladnog rata 7. administracija Džordža Buša i Ujedinjene nacije (opšti stav prema međunarodnoj organizaciji, političko viđenje SAD pre i posle događaja 11. septembra 2001. godine); 8. američki interesi i reforma Ujedinjenih nacija (reforme UN i realizacija američkih interesa, američko viđenje reformi); 9. predsednik Barak Obama i njegova metodologija za promene i odnos sa UN. U četvrtom poglavlju, pod naslovom "Reforme Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija" definisan je problem ove studije kroz grupu tačaka i pitanja i istraživane su međunarodne promene koje je svet doživeo kao glavni faktor za izvršenje procesa reforme koje su potrebne Ujedinjenim nacijama. ; The dissertation consists of an introduction, four chapters and the conclusion. The first chapter:"The Emergence and the Function of the United Nations", deals with the emergence of the idea of international system , and how this idea developed historically till it reached nowadays to international family consisting of 193 states of various continents and cultures . These states are joined in an institutional frame founded on optional and contractual pillars, which is the United Nations. In addition, it deals with the chain of declarations and conferences that led to the foundation of this organization. Moreover, it focuses on the purposes, principles and membership of the United Nations, as well as the General Assembly and Security Council due to their important role in the United Nations system. The second chapter: "The Reasons for the Reform of the United Nations", deals with the necessity reasons for reform; due to the United Nations is in urgent need of it. The intended reform is to do whatever necessary to raise its efficiency and performance. Therefore, it is possible to determine the objective reasons of this reform in the following titles, and they are: 1. The deviation of United Nations from its course that it was founded for; 2. The inherent contradictions of United Nations system since its foundation, 3. The deficiencies and imbalances in the United Nations Charter; 4.The imbalance in decision –making structures and mechanisms; 5. International Changes; 6.The vagueness of tasks entrusted to the United Nations; 7. Extreme Centralism; 8. The big gap between the intended tasks to be achieved and the available resources; 9. Corruption. The third chapter: "The United Nations between the Charter and the Dominant Power", focuses on the relation between the USA with the United Nations. This is a necessary item for the research due to the current international conditions and challenges facing humanity such as local and regional conflicts, health, natural catastrophes, etc. which fall under the scope of the United Nations. The dominant role the US plays in the international arena singles out its special impact on the performance of this organization. This role has gone through many changes in recent history depending on the geopolitics of the world namely after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the advent of the short-lived unipolarity up to the beginning of emergence of multipolarity. Every stage marked nuances in the US policy towards the United Nations. In fact, the US approach to international affairs developed in big leaps from isolationism to its involvement in WWII and the establishment of the United Nations.
